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However, before discussing this, we should recall that information on the Chinese justice system, especially penal law and the prison system, reached Europe early on. This information was furthermore based on the direct experience of those with the misfor- tune of running up against Chinese severe and intransigent judiciary, as occurred in the mid-sixteenth century to Portuguese sailors and soldiers. Pereira remained in prisons in southern China until and later wrote an account of his experience. Steam Press at Byculla, , It was also shortly thereafter confirmed, with the addition of even crueller de- tails, by another eyewitness, the Dominican friar Gaspar da Cruz.

Others would arrive throughout the seventeenth century, especially thanks to the contributions of Jesuits like Matteo Ricci and Louis Lecomte, whom I will discuss below. This rich legacy would find an authoritative interpretation in the s thanks to a text that presented a full description of the Chinese civilization, including a systematic treatment of Chinese justice, by taking up and recapitulating all the in- formation available at the time.

I am referring to the work that influenced eighteenth- century knowledge about China more than any other, the Description de la Chine by the Jesuit historian Jean-Baptiste Du Halde. Although it was based entirely on what the Jesuits had already made known through their own corre- spondence and publications and was therefore not an original work, it greatly influenced the knowledge of the cultivated European public. It was published in in Paris and a pirated edition produced in La Haye the very next year was circulated throughout Europe.

It continued serving as an indispen- sable source for writers on China during the Enlightenment period and into the early nineteenth century, as was the case for the Milanese author Giulio Ferrario when he wrote his extremely well informed and successful multi-volume Costume antico e moderno Milan, On the Costume antico e moderno, see ahead par.

V, and note And to what extent could the existence of such rigorous and meticulously respected administrative and judicial procedures and checks coexist with the idea of a distant, inaccessible sovereign endowed with powers of the utmost breadth? Although we stated above that this government is monarchical, with all this, considering what I have said and still have to say on the matter, it shares much with a republic.

Therefore, even though all that happens in the government must be approved by the king in the public records given to him by the magistrates regarding everything they propose to do, all the king does is approve or reject that which they propose to him, and almost never does anything, aside from a few acts, without first being proposed to do so by the magistrates in charge of it. On the other hand, he explained, the laws gradually promulgated by the emperors wind up constituting a store that all successors are obliged to respect or at least take into consideration with acknowledgements, changes or deletions when promulgating new laws and collections of laws.

The most recent, complete critical edition is the one supervised by Piero Corradini, with a preface by Filippo Mignini and edited by Maddalena Del Gatto Macerata: Quodlibet, Importantly, Ricci provided a brief description of the operation of impe- rial justice, attributing characteristics to it that, while not especially harsh, at least in principle, together demonstrated the arbitrariness and cruelty of the corporal punish- ments that Mandarins inflicted on Chinese subjects. With these and other injustices done by the magistrates out of hate, for money or at the behest of their friends, no one in China is his own master, everyone lives in perpetual fear of some false accusation to strip them of their possessions, and the richer they are the more fearful they are, and they try to appear thus, hiding how much they have and pretending to have little.

It is therefore unsurprising that he painted such a positive image, one that reflects a substantial, precisely informed outlook and maintains a careful balance between an appreciation of the formal aspects of the institutions and a realistic evaluation of the administrative practices. By referring back to Confucian texts which he 37 Ricci, Descrizione della Cina, The relevant sections on Chinese justice are in II, and This natural law inspired private moral conduct but also regulated relations between those who governed and those who were governed.

Among the sovereign courts, in which sat functionaries of varying degrees who belonged to the Mandarin hierarchy and were subject to severe meritocratic selection, Du Halde emphasized the importance of a supreme penal tribu- nal that presided over the fourteen provincial tribunals.

To Du Halde it seemed that, under such conditions, the imperial government would be unrivalled for its wisdom and functionality and that China should be the happiest country in the world. The slowness of the procedures caused by successive degrees of jus- tice meant that no subject was arbitrarily deprived of the fundamental rights to life and honour. Long prison stays, the consequence of a procedural slowness that favoured the accused, was mitigated by the fact that the prisons were much more comfortable and spa- cious than European ones.

On the contrary, he remarked that the respect for human life was such that capital sentences — reserved only for major crimes like treason — only became definitive after successive revisions and, in particular, only after the emperor had given his final, indispensable confirmation — a prerequisite for proceeding with an execution.

The extracts from Chinese literature, including classical books, that appear in the appendix to volume II of Description do not include any actual legal texts. Yet, even if he provided no information or extracts, it is clear that he had precise knowledge of an existing collection of written laws.

IV, If anything, its alterity was the entirely positive one of a model to be admired for its rationality, organization and proximity to nature, compared to which Europe was the one that represented otherness. In the second edition 2 vols. See also J. The representation of the legal and justice system would play a central role in both cases. Daniel J. CXCV, I, , see III, V, Le prince est sous la loi, et au-dessus de ses sujets. This was the authoritative argument made by Montes- quieu, who led the second, enduring trend that emerged in the mid-eighteenth century regarding the issue of Chinese governance, law and justice.

See also Jonathan I. The necessary contractual and legal guarantees were also lacking, in confirmation of the dishonest nature of the local customs so praised by admirers of China. Montesquieu went beyond simply describing the institutional structure designed by the laws and the bureaucratic machine that car- ried them out to highlight the reality of social relations and behaviour. XXI, available on Chine ancienne, accessed May 15, , www.

Petersburg, in Russia, to diverse parts of Asia 2 vols. He is referring, in other words, to a Chinese exceptionalism consisting of a form of institutional and legal Orientalism destined to occupy Western culture and representations for years to come thanks to thinkers like Hegel, Marx and Weber. XXI, also available on Chine ancienne, accessed May 15, , www. Anquetil sought to demon- strate that the portrayal of their governments as despotic rested on the completely false idea that they lacked written, definite and certain laws.

However, as he demonstrated, documents in hand, there did exist written legal codes in all three countries that were equally binding for the subjects and for the prince. More specifically, he showed that the private ownership of both movable and immovable property was perfectly protected by the law and the judicial process.

It is unfortunate that Anquetil never tackled the case of China, which if anything would find its own Anquetil precisely in George Thomas Staunton, at least in part. As Jonathan Israel has argued, the pattern of positions characteristic of the pre debate broke down and was fundamentally reconfigured. The impact of negative testimonies about Chinese conditions also started being felt later in the century. Regarding the tribunals, whose existence did not contradict the despotic nature of the government since they existed in all the despotic states of Asia, de Pauw stressed correctly, despite the name their bureaucratic and administrative, not just judicial, nature.

That which falls un- der what we could call civil law also revealed a picture of uncertainty and arbitrariness, with seizures and obligatory labour limiting the free possession of assets and generating a state of insecurity around property ownership for both city and country residents. Attention to and admiration for China were also manifest within English culture in the second half of the seventeenth century thanks to figures like John Webb who were interested in chronology, language, the arts and gardening. He also strengthened an image of the Chinese government as founded on elevated ethical precepts and wise, capable sovereigns, as well as a complex and rigor- ous institutional, administrative and judicial system.

Such factors included the attention paid to agriculture; the existence of a complex canal system; the wealth and stability of a state able to withstand civil wars and invasions, the last of those being that of the Manchu; and even a form of philosoph- ically-inspired religiosity, which he described very succinctly in almost deistic terms. Domestic preoccupations like these helped direct his gaze towards the Far East in search of a possible model. Temple sketched an image elucidating the nature of the Chinese government and explaining the relationship between the exertion of political authority and the law.

Churchill [et al. Nevertheless, just as admiration of Confucius and the ancient philosophical and political wisdom of the Chinese was far from unanimous in the late seventeenth cen- tury, as William Wotton demonstrates with his polemic with Temple, so too did an enduring Sinophile trend fail to establish itself in eighteenth-century England. Fairly disparaging attitudes towards Chinese society and civilization generally prevailed, often inspired by accounts of the direct experience of travellers and eyewitnesses.

What influenced representations of and opinions about China therefore continued to oscillate between aspects tied to the cultural tradition, the literary and philosophical heritage and the formal structure of the institutions, on the one hand, and a greater attention to the actual contemporary reality that could be per- ceived within the restricted peripheral area to which the direct experience of Europeans was long confined, on the other hand. While Defoe wrote of fraudulent merchants crushed by a tyrannical government and a society plunged into general misery and servility,89 Anson told of an oppressive Mandarin administration quick to carry out extortion and violent justice.

See also G. While his pages are certainly not steeped in admiration for China, with which he was by no means infatuated, and he did not share the popular taste for chinoiserie, Goldsmith did praise the Chinese government for being enlightened, being based on wise and ancient laws, and having a legislation capable of punishing vice and crime but also awarding virtue. Various kinds of eighteenth-century English publications are full of more or less cursory references to China reflecting various concerns and points of view.

However, we must turn to David Hume and Adam Ferguson. However, Hume believed that the cause of this paradox was not a lack of a political, legislative and administrative struc- ture but, essentially, the extent of the territory, the uniformity — that is, the inability to adapt to changing circumstances — reigning within the empire, and a stability that had become paralysing. Eugene F. Miller Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, , , see Its population dem- onstrated an industriousness that was unparalleled in the world, albeit less because of natural gifts and more because of an unstoppable spirit of competition caused by in- equality.

Quite the contrary, they convey a clear desire to dis- tinguish between appearance and reality. The Fifth Edition London: Cadell, , , , , and most of all and Whips and sticks would strike people of all conditions, including magistrates, inexorably. But Ferguson paid particular attention to the organization of the state. To attest to the independence of his judgement, he was not particularly impressed by the imperial exam system. It was clear to him that the extensive training required for admis- sion to one of the various levels of the bureaucracy had been reduced to the acquisition of basic skills.

However, in an essay where the sources do not explicitly shine through, we can also see how, all in all, China was not considered in- teresting in and of itself as an object of independent study and analysis. Addressing China analytically and in a detached mood, his writing is free of polemical intonation and pays particular attention precisely to the subject of law and justice. The Smithian discourse therefore tended to stress the inadequacy of the institutions and the legislation compared to the potential development of a populous, hardworking and organized country like China.

It would be wrong however to consider Smith a Sinophobe. His attitude was not in- formed by some declared Eurocentric feeling of superiority towards China; nor was it dictated by the will to weaken some mythical view of the country, as in the case of de Pauw. In his opinion, such development was possible only through the improvement of institutions and legislation to stimulate foreign trade and internal demand. He considered the latter the determining factor for any economic, social and civil development, in China or elsewhere.

Roy H. Campbell and Andrew S. Skinner 2 vols. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, , Poivre was a missionary to China and Cochinchina in before dedicating himself to tropical botany in the service of the French East India Company. Des abus sourds et journaliers de cette forme de gouvernement. However, more concretely, the laws that secured subsistence and well-being for the population were those guaranteeing the possession and free enjoyment of land.

Par M. Regarding the Chou King, a key text for understanding ancient Chinese history com- piled by Confucius in the second half of the sixth century B. On the contrary, it reveals a clear desire to reject the viewpoint of Sinophile enthusiasts or at least to partner it with a consideration of the concrete real- ity of Chinese institutions and society. First among these was the feeling of paternal protection and the submission of children upon which the entire government system was based. Popkin, Giuseppe Ricuperati, Luisa Simonutti 3 vols.

However, Roubaud wrote that those principles had never been put into practice as the authentic guide of governments and the conduct of subjects, which was regulated not by virtue and honour but by the stick and the inflexible application of a pitiless, oppressive law. According to a vision once again recalling Mon- tesquieu, the law constituted the pure promulgation of imperial power and the will to rule. While his assessment of the Chinese institutional model and government as better than any other Oriental government was clear, many uncertainties remained.

For ex- ample, where was the line in Chinese society and institutions between blind submission to authority and the conscious adherence to a political-social discipline founded on a recognized, well-established hierarchical principle? How did the inflexible regime of an arbitrarily applied law actually become a system through which to regulate daily life, one that was hallowed by tradition and thus accepted by the subjects? A portrait emerged of a country where the civil body appeared to be founded on the law and social morality yet daily life was actually dominated by money-hungry Mandarins, corrupt magistrates, tribunals full of intrigue and venality, and a general tendency towards trickery, deceit and theft.

While we need not linger over such aspects here, it is significant that this account was overturned once again in chapters added to a subsequent volume, thus documenting the highly controversial state of this topic, which continued sparking opposing viewpoints in the early s. As the nephew of Pierre Poivre, a botanist, a naturalist draughtsman and a traveller, Pierre Sonnerat was not just any observer.

Trained as an artist with strong naturalistic interests and extensive experience with the Oriental world and related colonial, commercial and naturalistic issues, Sonnerat was the author of two prominent travel accounts. Sonnerat intended to convey an image — and he declared his desire to do so based on what he had seen himself, what other eyewitnesses had told him and what he had learnt by studying Chinese traditions — of a population of slaves governed without laws, arbitrarily and with a stick by sovereigns who perhaps in ages of yore had been wise monarch-fathers of their people but now had been transformed into despots who were the object of a religious cult entrusted with a power founded on repression by the military hand.

When he later went on to illustrate how commercial relationships with Europeans were carried out in Canton, Sonnerat presented a picture of fraud, extortion, shadiness and corruption involving the Chinese merchants called hanistes, i. In fact, while we do not know the exact dates that Sonnerat resided in China, we know he travelled there and to the West Indies from to So the possibility that his presence in Canton coincided with that of the aforementioned Swiss merchant Charles de Constant, who carried out the first of his three trips to China from to , is striking.

And he argued that this government could only support itself on ignorances and the passiv- ity of a nation devoid of enlightenment, incapable of conceiving of reforms for abuses, with no imagination, dominated by tradition and repetition, and unaided by science or civilized arts. However, he primarily used direct experience, observed facts and collected testimonies to produce a representation that contrasted the image of China, received and relaunched by vast sectors of the En- lightenment culture based on Jesuit accounts, as a great empire governed by wise institu- tions, an administration founded on abilities and skills, laws consolidated by tradition, and a swift, accessible and protective justice system.

During this same period appeared another vastly important testimony to which we have already referred, that of Charles de Constant, a trader from Geneva whose Calvin- ist family originated in Vaud and the first cousin of the younger, very famous Benja- min. The manuscript materials edited by Louis Dermigny in and Marie-Sybille de Vienne in , along with their related critical studies, have revealed Charles de Constant to have been an exceptionally interesting figure not only for his family story and his economic and social trajectory but also, naturally, for the history of com- mercial relations between France and China.

We must take a moment to discuss the story of this merchant from Geneva. Analysing his writings on China would require much more space than is possible to set aside in these pages, not least because, hav- ing remained unpublished, they never entered the public discourse and had no direct influence on European opinion, remaining in a certain sense outside the perspective guiding the present reconstruction.

Probably destined for an extensive treatise on contemporary China that Constant planned to compose after returning definitively to Europe but never car- ried out, these texts contain incredibly precious technical information on the system of Sino-Western commercial exchanges and, above all, careful, original reflections on the nature of Chinese society and the imperial administration.

His first-hand testimony — owing to direct and certainly not purely bookish experience — was therefore a valuable document of the process to dissolve the Chinese myth that had been rampant during the middle decades of the eighteenth century, es- pecially in continental Europe. He thus resided there for nearly ten years in total during a crucial period for the evolution of Sino-Western relations.

He then dedicated himself to private initiatives in the hopes of exploiting the opportu- nities opened up by the unrest taking place in colonial trade during the revolutionary period. In he returned definitively to Europe to continue his own work for a brief time and eliminate the considerable debts he had accumulated over a not always success- ful business career before spending his final days in Vaud as a landowner.

His strongly Sinophobic attitude, fuelled not only by experience but also by the writing of people like de Pauw, places him in the ranks of other Europeans like Laurent Lange , a source for Montesquieu, the Calabrian traveller Gemelli Careri , the circumnavigator Le Gentil , Commodore Anson and Lyon na- tive Sonnerat The Chinese government was doubtlessly despotic, extortion and dis- honesty dominated public life, laws were non-existent, untrustworthy and, where they existed, thwarted by arbitrary acts, and the population was passive, inert and barbaric.

Vous ignorez que votre exactitude minutieuse vous a valu le nom pompeux de Peuples de Sages! Constant pointed his finger specifically at the mechanisms of justice, above all penal justice. In the absence of the latter, Europeans found themselves completely exposed to the will of the Mandarin courts and their only means of escape, in a country where everything was for sale, was through corruption. While we cannot know what edition Constant would have known directly, we do know that he believed that the code was not the instrument through which the sovereign power managed to keep its vast em- pire calm and orderly.

While this was how justice made itself felt among the common people and in daily existence, justice at the higher levels of the mandarinate was no less oppressive. Quelle disproportion! As a result, the justice to which the Chinese rarely had recourse was mercenary, untrustworthy, oppressive of the poor and indulgent with the rich. The conditions of the prisons mentioned in the testimonies of the missionaries who had known dozens of them further confirmed for Constant a horrible picture of corruption, theft, oppression, neglect and lack of hygiene.

His was certainly a very negative testimony, in- formed by the belief that the despotic government, the oppressive administration and the corrupt and violent justice system formed an institutional apparatus that was incapable of ensuring protection and security for its subjects. He described, in short, a society plunged in the most complete savagery, entirely incompatible with the mythical representations fuelling much of the Enlightenment culture.

Michaud, While we cannot carry out a close analysis of the contents of this imposing collection, its motivations or the objectives posed by the coordinator, Father Joseph Amiot, and his brothers, for our purposes two relatively important facts should be noted since they attest to a Jesuit interest in legislative and legal subjects. For this information I am indebted to Michele Graziadei, whom I would like to thank once again for his interest and collaboration. Though only synthesized briefly without commen- tary, this represented a notable documentary contribution by the Jesuits in Beijing, who close the collection with the hope for a future translation — apparently never realized — of this key text for understanding the reality of the Chinese state.

Heated discussions on Chinese subjects continued to be car- ried on throughout the century. Significant for our focus here is the fact that de Guignes made frequent references in his long reviews to the subjects of justice, law and the relationship between subjects and political authority. For example, the French academician openly challenged the consistency of the idyllic portrayal of Chinese society as run and inspired by the pater- nal authority of the emperor and supported by the filial sentiments of the subjects.

Expressing opinions against the government and reading books criti- cizing power could expose someone to the most serious punishments, including death. This very complex work was the product of French erudition, both religious and lay, and came to be widely known throughout Europe thanks to its full translation into Italian and partial translations into English and German. The Chinese text was begun under the Song dynasty with additions made under various dynasties tenth to thirteenth centuries. Traduzione italiana dedicata a sua altezza Reale Pietro Leopoldo 36 vols. Together with the latest accounts that have reached Europe of the government, religion, manners, customs, arts and sciences of the Chinese.

Moyriac worked on the edition and in part on the Manchu version requested by emperor Kangxi. Of greater interest is the volume published by Grosier containing a detailed geographic-naturalistic, socio-cultural and above all politicial-administrative description of contemporary China. His defence touched upon all aspects of Chinese civilization, society and institutions and focused precisely on the structure of the government, the administration, the law and the justice system.

But he also believed this power was exercised with wisdom, moderation, a paternal spirit, care for the protection of subjects and respect for human life, and that it was always accompanied by the right of high of- ficials to criticise and level complaints at the emperor. It was therefore an example of a state in which the law drew its strength from the moral principles of tradition on which it was based and in agreement with which it had been devised.

Moreover, some of the central courts at the highest level exercised checks on others at the same level. The censorship tribunal was also entirely unique, appointed to control every aspect of pub- lic life and the imperial authority itself — an institution Grosier held up as a singular example worthy of imitation.

Regarding laws and penal procedures, only those who knew little about China could represent them as the most terrible in the world. In reality, the pre- rogatives of the Chinese were that no crime went unpunished, no punishment exceeded the seriousness of the crime and the accused were guaranteed the utmost protection; in sum: certainty, restraint, gradation of jurisdictions, slowness and revisions. While there were doubtlessly cruel forms of punishment, especially in the case of death penalty, they were rarely used arbitrarily or capriciously.

Above all, what distinguished China from any other known nation were the precautions taken against false accusations, the protection of the inno- cent and the absence of arbitrariness in the treatment of the accused. To this regard, one late eighteenth-century contribution has only been mentioned rarely by previous studies and is worth taking into consideration.

Because of its ap- proach and authoritativeness, it lends itself particularly well to synthesizing and clearly stating the prevalent opinions about Chinese law and justice. Henry, a lawyer at the Parliament in Paris. Jurisprudence 8 vols. II , As the one and only supreme arbiter of the life, death and reputation of his subjects, the monarch could decide the fates of people from every class and limit their property and conditions, imposing taxes at will.

Justice was arbitrary, mercenary and corrupt, despite the complex structure of the tribunals. Punishments from the minor to the serious were violent, bloody and cruel. Demeunier 4 vols. Jurisprudence, The subsequent quotation comes from the same page. In it he stressed the generalized use of beatings with bamboo, the severity of the torture, the arbitrariness of magistrates in their infliction of punishments and the lack of consideration for the dignity and lives of the subjects.

The picture presented by the civil laws was no better. In ex- pressly wanting to avoid both the excesses of the anti-Jesuit, and therefore Sinophobe, critique and the exaggerated admiration of the Sinophile panegyrists, this entry tried to re-establish a certain equilibrium with respect to the negative wave of those years by going against the general trend — and the previous entry on Chinese jurisprudence — by subscribing to a positive representation of Chinese civilization and society, especially regarding its institutions, laws and justice.

In this case, radically opposing views were contained within the same work, in volumes published in the same year, , as had also happened in some respects within the Histoire des Deux Indes. In his entry, Grivel identified the foundation of the Chinese government as natural law and more precisely the elementary, natural sentiment of filial piety, which inspired the concept of submission to the sovereign on the part of the subjects.

The Mandarins and the tribunals were profoundly respected. The possibility of being inspected, criticised or even dismissed counterbalanced the power concentrated in the hands of imperial functionaries, driving them to look after the people with great care. It is worth recalling how one of the most authoritative voices of late Enlightenment Italy, Gaetano Filangieri, also supported this representation without hesitation.

To this regard, a brief digression apropos Italian culture is appropriate. Italian culture had in fact long adopted a positive image of China, thanks mostly to the works of Italian missionaries in the Middle Kingdom like Matteo Ricci, Martino Martini and Prospero Intorcetta, as well as the writings of late seventeenth-century men of letters like Lorenzo Magalotti , who never went to China but relied on Jesuit-sourced information to draw a rich and fascinating portrait of Chinese civilization in his Relazione della China He had also shown a special interest in the Chinese language, without however expressing any appreciation, much less enthusiasm, for Confucian philosophy and even rejecting the alleged antiquity of Chinese chronolo- gy.

While this ap- preciative view was certainly not unanimous, as demonstrated by Francesco Algarotti, Giuseppe Gorani, Paolo Mattia Doria and Giuseppe Baretti, it was only at the begin- ning of the nineteenth century that it began to be seriously reversed, thus re-establishing a closer adherence to the prevalent mood among European opinion. In his Scienza della legislazione he referred to it as a great, ancient, vast and populous empire wisely committed to agriculture and subjected to the paternal authority of the emperor, according to the image dear to midcentury French admirers of China and by then rather obsolete.

He also more precisely described the Middle Kingdom — in truth referring to outdated sources — as a country with a government that was virtuous because it was based on respect for the law. There were still those who praised it as a model of political and administrative rationality and triumphant moral values dictated by justice and the honest interpretation of the rights and duties of the governed. Such visions were alternately contested and endorsed by the information the Jesuit missionar- ies had sent for decades; the eyewitness testimonies, however limited and impressionis- tic, of merchants; and various documentary sources containing political, administrative and judicial information.

Around the turn of the century, the relative waning of Jesuit missionary accounts coincided with a significant increase in accounts by other types of people and documentary sources. Thus began a distinctly new phase for Western knowledge and representations of China in which a leading voice was that of Sir George Thomas Staunton. Roger, AN END-OF-THE-CENTURY TURNING POINT While the European culture of the late eighteenth century was increasingly orienting itself towards a definite reappraisal and even a negative upending of the Chinese myth thanks to authoritative voices like Herder and Condorcet, in anticipation of writers like Constant and Hegel, a series of circumstances and developments were creating the preconditions for a turning point not only in the history of material and political- diplomatic relations between the European West and China, but also the history of ideas, interpretations and representations of the Chinese world through an increasing amount of information and publications of every kind.

The Macartney embassy played a decisive role in this regard, not only because of the frustration generated by its failure, but especially for the quantity of publications that sprang from that experience, above all the report by Sir George Leonard Staunton that appeared in and the important travel account published by John Barrow in This experience failed as well, but at least it made several new textual and iconographic publications available to the European public.

I am talking about a succession of judicial cases, starting in the late eighteenth century and peaking in the early nineteenth century, involving British subjects in Canton following accidents and killings of Chinese subjects during fights with Europeans, especially unruly, riotous English sailors on frequently unauthorized shore leave.

Bickers , ed. The works by Staunton and Barrow are: Sir George Leonard Staunton, An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China: Including cursory observations made, and information obtained in travelling through that ancient empire, and a small part of Chinese Tartary […] taken chiefly from the papers of […] Lord Macartney 3 vols.

Nicol, ; and Sir John Barrow, Travels in China: Containing descriptions, observations, and comparisons, made and collected in the course of a short residence at the imperial palace of Yuen-Min-Yuen, and on a subsequent journey through the country from Peking to Canton London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, Among the critical literature, see the essay collection Peter J.

Pourquoi les dirigeables ont-ils disparu ?

Kitson and Robert Markley, eds. Byron R. Charles R. Boxer London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, This was the case with the infamous summary executions of Chinese opium smugglers car- ried out in Canton in in front of the European factories in Respondentia Square, which led to riots involving both Western sailors and Chinese subjects.

While we certainly cannot discuss each of these cases in detail, it should be stressed that their development and outcome were the subject of repeated accounts in English periodicals for the Western community in Canton like the Canton Press, the Canton Register and the Chinese Repository, thus reinforcing among Europeans a belief in the need to know and better manoeuvre through the mechanisms of Chinese justice by hav- ing a more solid command of the language and the laws through the work of Western experts rather than unreliable local interpreters.

The growing list of publications crowding the world of British and Euro- pean public opinion — everything from economic and political pamphlets to historical syntheses, periodical essays, political-institutional texts and missionary accounts — were certainly good for more than just providing views and interpretations for the debates taking place in the world of high culture.

They were also directly intended to help ac- tively orient and define policies and relational forms with respect to the Chinese world. Imperial practice, by which I mean the contrivance of global commercial relations and power relationships on the part of an expanding world power, became the focus and inspiration of much contemporary literature.

Erudite and cultural aspirations became ever more strongly marked — and often directly stimulated — by imperial demands or the need to build global relational systems, according to a tendency that can be observed in all areas, particularly India, where commercial and imperial powers like Great Britain were present and active in an intense way. In the meantime, observations and discussions about Chinese justice continued to appear in the many publications on China and the British diplomatic missions.

Since we cannot detail all the voices and phases of the narrative-linguistic and iconographical construction that developed a negative image of China and especially its judicial ap- paratuses at the beginning of the nineteenth century, we will restrict ourselves to those writings that would have directly impacted the work of George Thomas Staunton. He had seen no sign of true indigence in the conditions of the common people, partly thanks to the attention and benevolence of the government.

Neither had he witnessed any excessive economic or social disparity in the population. Nicol, This work circulated widely thanks to several English and American editions and to French, Italian and German translations. Prior to that he had worked for several years as a local administrator in the West Indies and in India, including with the current governor of Madras and future ambassador to Beijing.

The abandonment of infants, especially female ones, was widespread, but not without checks and balances. This was particu- larly true for the government, with the fundamental distinction between the traditional Chinese government and that of the Manchus. While Macartney identified signs of considerable civilization, technical ability and taste in various aspects of Chinese society, the negative elements nevertheless prevailed, for example in the sphere of the institutions.

Illustrated with watercolour sketches made during the embassy by William Alexander; introduced by Jonathan Spence; edited by J. Cranmer-Byng London: Longmans, ; repr. London: The Folio Society, In light of these elements, Macartney made interesting considerations on the state of Chinese justice, well aware of how many accounts had theretofore relayed a positive image of impartiality and equality before the law. While the life conditions of much of the population were fairly poor and the abundance of labour tended to knock salary levels down and exposed much of the population to misery, famine, illness and death, the consequence lamented by many Western ob- servers — the sale or abandonment of babies and infants — did not seem to Macartney as widespread as was believed.

He nevertheless added an invitation not to de- spair over the possibility of improvement, thus displaying faith in the advantages of the traditional Chinese sense of justice and the law. It is also generally thought to have fuelled a more profoundly negative view of the Chinese world than any other text in the early nineteenth century. It bears close examination here both to understand more precisely the themes related to Chinese law and justice, and because it is the text to which George Thomas Staunton referred most directly in undertaking his edition of the Qing code.

It is also a text that, in its turn, contains explicit references to the subsequent work of Staunton, whom Barrow had obviously met, along with his father, during the Macartney embassy. He described it as a country in which the abstract principles of a rule inspired by paternal love and filial respect corresponded For a bibliography on Travels, see above, par. II, note 5. The text has also been available digitally since in the Cambridge Library Collection Online, accessed May 15, , doi: In it was translated into French by J.

However, he also implicitly, if not programmatically, as- sumed a normative perspective by suggesting that changing the nature of the Chinese political and institutional system would set the country down a path that would align its conditions with those of the societies of the European West — a point of view that throughout the s and s was being increasingly argued by missionary, liberal and free-trade, interventionist literature.

The pernicious consequences of these elements stood in stark contrast to the vicissitudes of Russia, the other great Eurasian empire that had recently made great progresses with exactly the opposite policy and having started from a decidedly lower degree of civilization. The situation described above might lead us to expect a bleak picture, but Barrow actually took a very nuanced position in light of the fundamental distinction between theory — or the letter of the legislation and the organization of justice — and administrative and judicial practice.

Above all, his entire description of the government system, the laws and the operation of justice reveals an internal tension, if not a contradiction, between positive appreciation and negative general conclusions, which seems to derive from an implicit relationship, surfacing from the text, with the attitudes of Staunton junior. Barrow was well informed about the composite structure of the central Chinese gov- ernment and administration. Barrow did not embrace the image of bloody Chinese penal justice. A Chinese, after receiving a certain number of strokes, falls down on his knees of course, before him who ordered the punishment, thanking him, in the most humble manner, for the fatherly kindness he has testified towards his son, in thus putting him in mind of his errors; a Tartar grumbles, and disputes the point as to the right that a Chinese may have to flog him; or he turns away in sullen silence […] it is impossible […] to suppress a glow of indignation, in witnessing so mean and obsequious a degradation of the human mind, which can bring itself, under any circumstances, patiently to submit to a vile corporal punishment, administered by the hand of a slave, or by a common soldier; and when this is done, to undergo the still more vile and humiliating act of killing the rod that corrects him […] The punishment of the bamboo must, I suspect, be one of the most ancient institutions of China.

Some judicial customs contradicted the mildness of the principles contained in the code, like the ascertainment of guilt for homicide based on the scapegoat principle, or the lack of distinction between voluntary homicide and manslaughter, both of which came to light because of several cases in which Westerners were involved in criminal actions in Chinese territory and were forced to deal with imperial justice. This point, which Barrow significantly often Richard J. Essentially, he believed there existed a sort of short circuit be- tween the private condition of propertied people and their public role.

However, he argued that there were also other causes conspiring to keep China in a condition of im- mobility, despite its being an ancient, abiding system with paradoxical facets of prosper- ity, wealth and even good government. An English translation was published in London and a German one in Leipzig both in He left testimony of his experiences in various pieces of travel writing that touch upon agronomic, colonial and commercial topics.

  • L’Aerophile Collection:.
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Though it refers to a trip taken over forty years earlier, the text actually operated in the climate of discussion that followed the embassies of Macart- ney and Titsingh and explicitly referenced these two important experiences. The quotation is from In many respects, Chinese justice seemed inspired by feelings of humanity, especially when it came to the death penalty.

On agriculture, see ; on commerce, He even went so far as to reiterate ideas that had been common among mid-eighteenth-century Sinophiles and to argue for the untouchability of institutional structures that had stood the test of time for centuries. In wanting to be resolutely positive and laudatory, de Cossigny sought to highlight the arrogance, aggression and disparaging attitude of British images, which were traced back to menacing motives of political and commercial interest.

XVIII, Scritti in memoria di Dino Pastine, ed. This is obvious, for example, in how he sought to distinguish between English and French strategies, clearly influenced by his observation of contemporary Indian events. In other words, he wanted to state his position against England, whose goal of invading and in- stalling itself indefinitely in Chinese territory in his view heralded disastrous changes to the Chinese government, social life and mentality, the failure of which would lead the Chinese state to collapse, as the example of India had demonstrated.

There is also less of an intense critical charge regarding subjects like Chinese justice whose treatment by contemporary observers and commentators, especially British ones, were directly influenced by the practical implications of relations between Westerners and the impe- rial administration. He resolutely rejected any idealized portrayal of the imperial gov- ernment. These were the instruments guiding the conduct of the Mandarins. When it came to punishments, traditional forms of torment going back to the time of Confucius were substituted by others described in the penal code.

The most frequent of these was the bamboo beating, which could be excep- tionally cruel, but could also be avoided through corruption. His explicit references to the Qing codes demonstrate that Westerners working in China knew about the existence of such important tools of government and believed it necessary to know them in-depth, just like any other aspect of a country like China that was still considered relatively unknown by so many.

This shift was accompanied by the notion of an overall imbalance between the civilized West and a China stagnant in its barbarous condition, of which the cruelty of Chinese laws and justice served as convincing proof for public opinion. To understand how this change was happening, especially regarding the subject of justice, as well as how a vision of Chinese justice, especially penal justice, was taking shape based on the subjects of cruelty, physical violence and the torments inflicted upon criminals, we must consider some publications that were expressly dedicated to exactly these aspects.

Miller, was the work of William Alexander , a painter, illustrator and engraver who took part to the Mac- artney embassy. The collections of watercolours, sketches, drawings and etchings related to travel experiences, above all in China, that Alexander produced represented an enduring source of inspiration for figurative works that he would later redevelop and put on exhibition in London.

The first, by Alexander, who authored the illustrations included in the Authentic Account of the Macartney embassy by George L. Staunton , later reprinted autonomously as Views of Headlands, Islands, etc. The second, based on the reproduction of original Chinese wa- tercolours part of a series by artisans working for the Cantonese businessman Pu-Qa , extensively illustrate Chinese penal customs.

Connor and S. Miller , not to be confused with the already cited collection by Alexander with the same title and containing images and descriptions from original Chinese products for export of representative figures of Chinese society, especially common people such as laborers, artisans and fishermen. Although he possessed a less exag- gerated style than Thomas Rowlandson, his people have the same earthy quality. Villagers return from market, their purchases swinging in baskets on yokes. Itinerant blacksmiths work their small bellows; street-sellers cry their wares; actors gesticulate in a theatre.

His scenes are in fact quite elaborate, very plastic, placed within detailed contexts, and without dramatic overtones or the open intention of arousing horror or rejection. Sometimes, when the victim was struck several times, the beatings could be fatal. In fact, they comprise reproduc- tions of watercolours originally produced by artisans to satisfy the curiosity of Western buyers in China.

Mason London: W. Miller by W. The Rack. Successful textual and iconographic examples had been presented earlier in the travel account by the Dominican friar Domingo Navarrete or in the Atlas Chinen- sis by Arnoldus Montanus based on written testimony left by the Dutch embassy of van Hoorn in Beijing. II, edited by J. Johnson, , Hamstringing a Malefactor. This punishment is reported to have been inflicted upon malefactors, who have endeavoured to make their escape.

A vessel containing Chunam, a species of mortar, is at hand, to be applied, by way of styptic, to the wounds. Throughout the first decade of the nineteenth century, in sum, significant new con- tributions were made to the discourse about the legal foundations of Chinese institu- tions, Chinese justice and penal law and how much these aspects could reveal about the degree of civilization in China.

The interest in China and peculiar aspects of its government and administration grew out of more than just curiosity about an ex- otic, still mysterious country. The unstoppable growth of commercial relations between the Middle Kingdom and European trading companies like the East India Company, with the consequent rise in occasions of encounter — and conflict — between Western- ers and the Qing administration in the area of Canton, catalysed attention and made it impossible to forgo information that was becoming increasingly vast and detailed.

He is considered the first true English Sinologist, along with English Presbyterian missionary Robert Morrison of the London Missionary Society, who was close friends with him in Canton. While he participated in the embassy as a page, his occasional service as an interpreter aroused the admiration of Emperor Qianlong. In , after returning to England and completing a brief stint at Trinity College, Cambridge, Staunton became a writer for the East India Company and the following year was appointed to the factory in Canton. As a Chinese interpreter he had the occasion to follow the trial of the fifty-two English sailors from the ship Neptune involved in the homicide of a Chinese subject.

While not his only such experience he had already served as an interpreter in a complicated case involving the ship Providence in , this trial provided the decisive push for him to translate the so-called Chinese penal code. Staunton was in fact the first English resident of the English Canton factory to obtain the proficiency in the Chinese language needed to work as a translator.

See also William C. For a focus on translation-related aspects, see James St. He was a liberal Tory parliamentar- ian who supported Canning and Palmerston, took sides in favour of Catholic eman- cipation, was engaged in colonial issues and spoke out against the opium trade even though he also supported the Palmerston government in the First Opium War. Compiled by J. Gonzalez de Mendoza, and now reprinted from the early translation of R. Edited by Sir G. Staunton; with an introduction by R. Major 2 vols. In: Specht Heidemarie Hrsg. Bettelorden in Mitteleuropa.

De groei van Scheut.

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Van publieke devotie naar besloten orde. De stichting van het klooster Scheut. Altars, from chantry to craft 15th and early 16th centuries. Masterpieces from the Royal Museum reunited in the Cathedral. Meesterwerken uit het Koninklijk Museum terug in de kathedraal Een klaagzang uit Groenendaal. De Kruisiging van Rogier van der Weyden als verbeelding van de sacramentsverering. Representatie en devotie in het oeuvre van Rogier van der Weyden Scheut en meester Rogier. Flandre - Vlaanderen. Gent belegert Oudenaarde in Gentse banieren in de basiliek van Halle Adellijke inwijking in het graafschap Vlaanderen tussen en Vijftiende-eeuws centrum van het notariaat in de Nederlanden.

Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis. The Legal History Review, 77, , , pp. Het Kortrijkse notariaat tijdens de late middeleeuwen Vereniging voor Geschied-, Taal-en Volkskundig onderzoek in het Kortrijkse, 51, , 1, pp. De oorkonden der graven van Vlaanderen juli -september Regering van Filips van de Elzas, tweede deel, Recueil des actes des Princes belges 6. Les alliances matrimoniales portugaises des comtes et comtesses de Flandre Daelemans Frank , Kelders Ann eds. Haro sur le seigneur! Toulouse, Presses Universitaires du Mirail, , pp.

Factionalism and State Power in the Flemish Revolt Journal of Social History, 42, , 4, pp. Staatsvorming en stedelijke opstanden in het graafschap Vlaanderen In: Storme Marcel ed. Frans Van Cauwelaert Filips Van Artevelde. Ghendtsche Tydinghen, 38, , 2, pp. Paris, Picard, , pp. De keure van Sint-Omaars van Een politiek document. Eis in Gentse schepenbank tot schadevergoeding vanwege gedupeerde echtgenoot na nietigverklaring van huwelijk. Chirurgijn Jakob van Zoetendale vs. Katelijne Gossaerts uit Geraardsbergen, Immigrations et migrations internes.

Calais, Les Amis du Vieux Calais, [ ], pp. Commonwealth or private profit? A case-study concerning the government of the city of Nieuwpoort and its alleged abuse of public services in the middle of the XVth century. Bouwen met baksteen in het graafschap Vlaanderen, ca. Een overzicht. In vuur en vlam! Omgaan met baksteenerfgoed in Vlaanderen. Di mercantia et altre cose. Gli Arnolfini nella Bruges del Quattrocento. In: Scalfati Silio P. Studi di storia offerti a Michele Luzzati. Ospedaletto Pisa , Pacini, , pp. Mercanti toscani e Bruges nel tardo Medioevo. Tra diritto e storia. Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino, , 2 vol.

De politieke en militaire geschiedenis van Oudenaarde op de kentering van Middeleeuwen en Nieuwe Tijden. De rekening van het Land van Dendermonde van opgesteld door ontvanger Bardelin de Barde. Women, Men, and Markets. In: Classen Albrecht ed. Fundamentals of medieval and early modern culture 4. Het Brugs Ommeland, 49, , 2, pp. Wijn in Brugge tijdens het laatste kwart van de 15de eeuw.

Hoeveelheden, prijzen en consumptie. Handelingen van het Genootschap voor Geschiedenis te Brugge, , , 1, pp. De Geselaars en de Jodenslachting te Gent in Ghendtsche Tydinghen, 38, , 3, pp. Speel nooit met een achtergelaten kanon!. Stedelijke communicatie in de Late Middeleeuwen. Aard, motivaties en politieke implicaties.

Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Filologie en Geschiedenis, 87, , 2, pp. Stadsrekeningen Tielt : Deel I, , Deel II, Internal Colonization in Medieval Europe. Farnham, Ashgate, , pp. The expansion of Latin Europe, 2 Spindler Erik. Were Medieval Prostitutes Marginals? Evidence from Sluis, Musique et danse pour un jeune prince. Musique, images, instruments. In: Kosso Cynthia , Scott Anne eds.

Leiden, Boston, Brill, , pp. Prostitutie en zelfmoord in de Dendersteden Dendermonde, Aalst, Ninove en Geraardsbergen tijdens de Bourgondische periode Deel 1. Klokgelui en stedelijke identiteit in het laatmiddeleeuwse Vlaanderen. De Beiaard. Een politieke geschiedenis. Kloosterorden en wereldlijke overheden en de baksteenproductie tijdens de middeleeuwen in Vlaanderen. Een onderzoeksqueeste. In: Brand Hanno , Knol Egge eds. Koggen, Kooplieden en Kantoren.

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Sint-Jacobs Ieper. Een vergeten monument -een parochie om te onthouden. From Integration to Segregation. In: Escher-Apsner Monika ed. Funktionen, Formen, Akteure. Frankfurt am Main [ etc], Lang, , pp. Studien zu Fremdheit und Armut von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart Wereldlijke leden en begunstigers van de H. A scholarly book collection claimed by the Dominicans of Ghent Flanders in Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, 78, , pp.

A Journal of Medieval Studies, 84, , 3, pp. De middeleeuwse sporenkappen van de Onze-Lieve-Vrouwekerk te Brugge. Monumenten, landschappen en archeologie, 28, , 2, pp. Hans Memling, master painter in fifteenth century Bruges. London [ etc], Miller, , p. Medische kennis te Poperinge omstreeks Het handschrift van stadsgeneesheer en barbier Jan Davidt. Exchange and Enrichment. Humanistica, , 3, pp. Two Petals of a Fleur. Fund og forskning I Det Kongelige Biblioteks samlinger, , 47, pp. La vie politique - Het politieke leven.

La vie sociale - Het sociale leven. Aisne, Frankrijk in Revue Belge de Musicologie. Description et. Jean le Familleur et ses fondations. Le seigneur Isaac et la fondation de la chapelle de Bois-Seigneur-Isaac. Ce que disent les rares sources disponibles. La Sainte Eucharistie en guise de nourriture. Etudes et documents Namur - Namen. La vie politique ; le droit - Het politieke leven ; het recht. Luxembourg Luxemburg. Waleran de Luxembourg.

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Het onderzoek van afval-en beerkuilen uit de twaalfde tot de veertiende eeuw. Archeologisch noodonderzoek in de Grotestraat te Geraardsbergen. Over een baby in een kookpot onderweg naar de limbo Een neonatale bijzetting uit de late middeleeuwen in de Hoogstraat te Zottegem. Archeologisch en dendrochronologiqch onderzoek in Ieper prov. Archeologisch noodonderzoek te Erps-Kwerps-Villershof Kortenberg, prov. Nederzettingssporen uit. Romaanse steenfragmenten bewaard te Loppem. Laatmiddeleeuwse potstal op Den Hout in Beerse. Les ducs de Bourgogne -Bourgondische hertogen Les tombeaux des ducs de Bourgogne.

Pour en finir avec une obsession critique. Langue, pouvoirs et dialogue. Aspects linguistiques de la communication entre les ducs de Bourgogne et leurs sujets flamands Les ducs et les arts. In: Les Ducs de Bourgogne. Guerre et fastes , Apt, Astrolabe, , pp. The Image of Charles the Bold. Charles the Bold Splendour of Burgundy. Splendeurs de la cour de Bourgogne. Het portret van Karel de Stoute. Karel de Stoute Vorstelijke magnificentia in het Beloofde Land. De kunst van de representatie aan het Bourgondische hof. Museumbulletin, 29, , 1, pp.

Entre profit et dommage. In: Cauchies Jean-Marie. De waarde van de wet. De invloed van formele diplomatische kenmerken op de wetgeving van de Bourgondische hertogen voor het graafschap Vlaanderen. Na de dispositie van het beschreve regt De Bourgondische vorsten. Karel de Stoute en zijn tijd. In: Meulemeester Jean Luc ed. Karel de Stoute en de laat-Bourgondische cultuur.

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Le Parchemin. Collection histoire. French History, 23, , 2, pp. In: Weiss Stefan ed. Regnum et Imperium. Der Orden vom Goldenen Vlies. Palaces and Tents filled with Art. The court culture of Charles the Bold. Paleizen en tenten vol kunst. De hofcultuur van Karel de Stoute. Antonius Busnois en muziek voor adel, Kerk en hof ten tijde van Karel de Stoute. Killy Literaturlexikon: Autoren und Werke des deutschsprachigen Kulturraumes.

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Over de horeca tijdens de regeerperiode van Karel de Stoute. De wapenpas van de Gouden Boom. Feestvieren op zijn Bourgondisch. Les usages vestimentaires des ducs. De grote Bourgondische huwelijken. Ghendtsche Tydinghen, 38, , 1, pp. Les ducs et leurs villes. Het Brugse munthuis. Van Luik naar Brugge en terug. Het vrijheidsperron van Luik. Ostfildern, Jan Thorbecke, , p. Instrumenta Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy Roland Pippe. Aan tafel met Karel de Stoute. Roland du Bois. De liturgische paramenten van de Orde van het Gulden Vlies. Artistieke hoogtepunten van de Bourgondische hofkunst.

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Karel de Stoute. Militair, maar geen strateeg. La chapelle musicale de la cour de Bourgogne. Colard le Voleur. Karel de Stoute en de Wapenpas van de Betoverde Burcht. De Wapenpas van de Betoverde Burcht. Voorbode van de machtsgreep door Karel de Stoute. Le bijou du pouvoir. Europa tegen de Turken. De kruistocht van Filips de Goede. Retour sur le concept de bourgondisation. La cour des ducs. Exploitiez la guerre par tous les moyens! Margaret of York. The diabolical duchess. Chalford, Amberley, , p. Toll-free navigation on the Honte ca.

A legal consultation by J. Boods, pensionary of Antwerp. Bulletin de la Commission Royale. Godsdiensttwisten De Catalunya a Flandes. Francesc de Montcada , erudit i politic. Barcelona, Dux, , p. Joseph II. Against the world, Vrede onder de Oostenrijkers De teen van de Keizer. Broer Jansz in Antwerpse ogen. De Amsterdamse courantier na de slag bij Kallo in neergezet als propagandist.

De Zeventiende Eeuw, 25, , 1, pp. Cultura e prassi politiche tra Fiandre e Italia nel Seicento. Note introduttive. Fiandre e Italia tra monarchia universale e Stati territoriali: Cultura politica e dinamiche sociali. Caminos legendarios. In: Vigano Marino ed. Bellinzona, Casagrande, , pp. In: Salzmann Jean-Pierre dir. Sous le souffle de Paris.

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Philipp II. Biographie eines Weltherrschers. Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, , p. La corte flamenca de Carlos V. Sprokkelingen uit de parochieregisters van het Spaans Kasteel te Gent. Las redes del imperio. Encuentros de ayer y reencuentros de hoy. In: Zedinger Renate , Schmale Wolfgang eds. Franz Stephan von Lothringen und seine Kreis. In: Cavaciocchi Simonetta ed. The economic role of the family in the European economy from the 13th to the 18th centuries. Louis XIV et les intendants. Franz Stephan von Lothringen als Kaiser.

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Voorspel tot het Beleg van Oostende. Politieke en militaire rol en betekenis van Oostende tijdens de 2e helft van de 16e eeuw deel 3. Politieke en militaire rol en betekenis van Oostende tijdens de 2e helft van de 16e eeuw deel 4. Politieke en militaire rol en betekenis van Oostende tijdens de 2e helft van de 16e eeuw deel 5. Politieke en militaire rol en betekenis van Oostende tijdens de 2e helft van de 16e eeuw deel 6. Politieke en militaire rol en betekenis van Oostende tijdens de 2e helft van de 16e eeuw deel 7.

De ordonnantie betreffende de pacificatie van de beroerten te Antwerpen 24 mei Breekpunt voor de politiek van Filips II ten overstaan van de Nederlanden. Het Oude Land van Edingen en omliggende. Het Land van Ham. Driemaandelijks Tijdschrift, 30, , 4, pp. Traktaten over artillerie, oorlogvoering en vestingbouw uit de Spaanse Nederlanden. Hun verspreiding in de Iberische en Iberico-Amerikaanse wereld. In: Thomas Werner , Stols Eddy eds. Een wereld op papier. Zuid-Nederlandse boeken, prenten en kaarten in het Spaanse en Portugese wereldrijk 16dede eeuw.

Un mundo sobre papel. De vroege versterkingswerken van Antwerpen en de Spaanse omwalling. Vanaf ca. Lombaerde Piet ed. Antwerpen versterkt.

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De Spaanse omwalling vanaf haar bouw in tot haar afbraak in De val van Antwerpen Tollebeek Jo , te Velde Henk eds. Het geheugen van de Lage Landen. De val van Antwerpen in bijdrage aan de Gouden Eeuw. Orde van den Prince. Nieuwsbrief, 29, , 1, pp. Herstellen van de forten op de Schelde in Heemkundige Vereniging De Gonde Melle , 37, , 2, pp. Het jaar in Melle. Drie koeien voor de vrede. Heemkundige Vereniging De Gonde Melle , 37, , 1, pp. Het oorlogsgebeuren in Oost-en West-Brabant in de tweede helft van de 17de eeuw.

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Gleichen, Muster-Schmidt Verlag, , p. Amor, menosprecio y motines. Estudios de Historia. Southern revenge? De verzoening van Rennenberg Adellijke beweegredenen tijdens de Opstand anders bekeken. Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, , , 3, pp. Zwagers aan het Spaanse hof, vredesgezanten in de Nederlandse Opstand. Le dinastie italiane e la guerra nelle Fiandre. La tregua di Anversa e la pace di Asti. Ovvero, come la Spagna perse la propria reputazione. In: Hartmann Sieglinde , Steinke Robert eds. Kaiser Maximilian I. Anales de Flandes. Tomo primero.

Plaatsnaam Blote te Mater. Neveneffect van Slag bij Oudenaarde in Oorlogsverslaggeving in Brugge over de Vlaamse Armada tijdens de 17de eeuw. Erasmus of Alva? De Nederlanden in de 16de eeuw. Nieuwsbrief, 28, , 6, pp. Slagveld van Europa De correspondentie van Karel van Arenberg en Anne van Croy. Omgangsvormen, spanningen en militaire overlast te Veurne in Over de talrijke opeisingen in de Kasselrij Oudenaarde in de jaren Les dynasties flamandes au travers des familles de Buissy, Calonne, Francqueville, Forest et Pollinchove.

Le fonds du parlement de Flandre. Historique de la conservation. Een misdaad op de Botten. Jaarboek van de Vrijheid en het Land van Geel, , 44, p. De vele gezichten van het recht. Portretten van juristen uit de oude Nederlanden. Mechelen, Kluwer, , 55 p. Extra editie Tijdschrift voor Privaatrecht. Bref regard sur une institution judiciaire tournaisienne disparue. Le Parlement de Tournai. La Jurisprudence du parlement de Flandre de Georges de Ghewiet. Le parlement de Flandre. Antwerp commercial legislation in Amsterdam in the 17th century. Legal transplant or jumping board?.

Spaanse Brabanders en hun regels. Het Antwerpse handelsrecht te Amsterdam in de 17de eeuw. Het Waalse Reconciliatietraktaat en de benoeming van Brabantse raadsheren naast Farnese. Inkijk in het Brugse mannentuchthuis van de Magdalene via gerechtelijke documenten, Het Brugs Ommeland, 49, , 3, pp. Les origines et la fondation de la justice de paix du canton de Fosses. Bouge, Jean Lecomte, , p. Charles-Alexandre de Calonne. A la recherche de son juge dans le ressort du parlement de Flandre.

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Het Parlement en de Grote Raad van Mechelen Antwerpen, C. De advocatuur in het oude graafschap Vlaanderen. Pro memorie. Bijdragen tot de rechtsgeschiedenis der Nederlanden, 11, , , pp. Waarom de dorpsadvocaat van Brueghel eigenlijk een stadsprocureur is. Bijdragen tot de rechtsgeschiedenis der Nederlanden, , 11, , pp. Getuigenverhoren als aanloop tot een proces.

Elementen uit het Mechelse strafdossier tegen Jan Schuermans, pastoor van Ename, in het midden van de zeventiende eeuw. Vorstelijke genade in de praktijk. Schuld en boete in het oude hertogdom Brabant in de 16de eeuw. Een bijdrage tot de rechtsvolkskunde. Driemaandelijks tijdschrift van het Koninklijk Geschied-en Oudheidkundig Genootschap van Vlaams-Brabant, 92, , 2, pp.

Tussen droom en daad. De beperkte invloed van de centrale overheid op de rechtspraktijk in Antwerpen en Mechelen gedurende de 15de en 16de eeuw. Maatschappelijke disfunctionaliteit, institutionele competitie en het verdwijnen van het Soeverein-baljuwschap van Vlaanderen tweede helft 17de eeuw. De kledij van magistraten en ambtenaren. Iepers kwartier. Driemaandelijks tijdschrift voor heemkunde, 45, , 2, pp. Verzoenen en beteren in de XVIde eeuw. De zaak Van Muelenbeke versus De Goudsmet.

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Wesalia II, 10, , 2, pp. Huwelijken te Herdersem in de 17dede eeuw 2. Huwelijken te Herdersem in de 17dede eeuw 3. Huwelijken te Herdersem in de 17ee eeuw 4. De bevolking van Meulebeke volgens de telling van 25 januari De Roede van Tielt, 40, , 1, pp. Boom en Westmalle in het jaar Tijdschrift voor familiegeschiedenis, 45, , 1, pp. Het Poortersboek van Sint-Truiden en Sint-Truiden, Stadsarchief Sint-Truiden, , p. Registres paroissiaux, Nivelles, Alain Graux, , mult.

Huwelijken te Vollezele Tijdschrift voor familiegeschiedenis, 45, , 6, pp. De bevolking van Tienen in Tienen, Paul T. Kempeneers, , 50 p. Volkstellingen in Aarschot. Kempeneers, , 61 p.

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