He warns of the lure of attachment to the purportedly eternal, immutable truths of idealism, which detracts from the immediacy of the world and our bodily existence. Insisting that philosophy is a practice that operates in the real, material world, Onfray enlists Epicurus and Democritus to undermine idealist and theological metaphysics; Nietzsche, Bentham, and Mill to dismantle idealist ethics; and Palante and Bourdieu to collapse crypto-fascist neoliberalism.
In their place, he constructs a positive, hedonistic ethics that enlarges on the work of the New Atheists to promote a joyful approach to our lives in this, our only, world. Atheist manifesto : the case against Christianity, Judaism, and Islam by Michel Onfray Book 21 editions published between and in English and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide Citing historical records, both ancient and contemporary, and chapter and verse - from the Bible, the Torah and Talmud, and the Koran - the author documents the ravages of religious intolerance over the past two and a half millennia, where "truth" is exclusive to only the faithful.
He makes a convincing case for the three religions' obsession with purity, their contempt for - and antipathy to - reason and intelligence, individual freedom, desire and the human body, and therefore sexuality and pleasure, and their contempt for women in general. In their place, all three, in varying ways and to varying degrees, require obedience and submission, extolling the "next life" to the detriment of the here and now, preaching chastity, virginity, and blind faith.
Onfray goes back to the origins of the religions' holy works and shows how they have been dissected and altered, censored and rewritten to suit each doctrine and convince its faithful that they are the word of God, not man. Appetites for thought : philosophers and food by Michel Onfray 10 editions published in in English and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide "[O]ffers up a delectable intellectual challenge: can we better understand the concepts of philosophers if we look at their culinary choices? Guiding us around the philosopher's banquet table with erudition, wit, and irreverence, Michel Onfray offers surprising insights on foods ranging from fillet of cod to barley soup, from sausage to wine and coffee.
Tracing the edible obsessions of philosophers from Diogenes to Sartre, Onfray considers how their ideas relate to their diets. Would Diogenes have been an opponent of civilization without his taste for raw octopus? It witnesses the fall of the colonial system and feels the risk of being crushed in the middle of the new bipolar system, a system reserving a secondary place at the same time menacing the liberal system, considering the antagonism with the socialist rival.
Divided by its opposing political and socio-economic systems, Europe cannot afford to play between the two considerable protagonists. The UN power shared by five is there just to witness a definitely past finished. The political Europe sheltered by the United States is compelled to envisage the issue of its borders from the point of view of its ideological-political system. The fall of the ideological-political bipolarity makes Europe rediscover its own geographical borders and question its own cultural affinities.
At the same time, it faces the new international order that is almost unipolar. The research of a new role on the cosmosystemic scene necessarily raises the issue of settling a certain partnership with its former and hence the only ally, the United States.
Right after the fall of the socialist system, the political Europe sees its understanding with the United States as a great opportunity to reject the Soviet Empire and expand its vital space to the Russian borders. The integration of Eastern countries largely responds to this geopolitical priority. Thus, the geo-cultural argument supports perfectly the European Union to lay foot on the core strategic pillars, such as Finland, Poland, South-Eastern European countries, as well as Cyprus and Malta.
An internal economic space is created to act as an economic engine of the hard nucleus of the Union. This enlargement of the European political space raises two questions: one is internal, while the other is external. The former is related at the same time to its own identity and political balance. The encounter of the political Europe with a former socialist Europe raises the question of its character and finality. Should we go to the bottom of anthropocentric acquis and, in this case, take actions of harmonisation of the new partners or should we limit ourselves to creating an internal vital space, an endo-polity periphery?
On the other hand, the new cosmosystemic environment characterised by a growing anthropocentric standardisation can cause an identity crisis in Europe. Indeed, if the anthropocentric acquis is universal, how can political Europe reaffirm its originality all the more as it cannot express itself with its own national identity? One can even say that this remark is also valid in point of the will to support its worldwide geostrategic cause.
In a bipolar world, the concept of West has served the project for a common identity around the liberal system. In the new unipolar system, the idea of West risks helping to prolonging the dependence of political Europe on the United States, as well as the conflict on a religious basis. Europe as a country will not be national; it will be geo-cultural and thus polity-oriented. It is thus meant to deny the doctrine of modernity that sees the nation as the sole cultural unit able to provide a meaning and content to a polity entity and the state as a sole political home of the national act.
The exclusion of Russia from the European Union will not take place as it is not European; it is simply very large and therefore it risks to break internal balances. Yet, geographical and cultural borders of the Old Continent are the external limit of any ambition of political Europe.
However, it is not up to them to make a decision on the political borders. It is precisely in this discrepancy that internal and external geopolitics comes up. It is an intervention that is not meant to prevent the European Union from claiming its European identity particularly as polity Europe includes core elements of the geo-cultural pillars defining the concept of Europe. Nevertheless, geopolitics says that the political borders of Europe cannot under the given circumstances coincide with geographical and cultural borders.
We should mention Charles de Gaulle speaking of a Europe including Russia for geopolitical reasons, that is, to counterbalance the United States of America.
I cannot imagine how this project can be carried out at least on a mid-term basis. Yet, on a long term, it is not out of the question particularly if China enters the international scene forcefully and if Europe is endowed with a polity system and a strong identity reference. On the other hand, the fear of a shift of internal power breaking the existing balance within the Union, as well as the issue of strengthening identity, socio- economic element and politics of the polity-oriented Europe can prevent the accession of Turkey or cause regulating enlargements, such as the accession of Ukraine.
But in this case, we would no longer be able to envisage a polity-oriented Europe. The issue of the borders of Europe introduces as a prior hypothesis the geography and its cultural historical particularity issued from anthropocentric cosmosystem in general. Yet the final decision on the political frontiers of the European Union will be made each time from the perspective of geopolitical considerations.
As more often than not geopolitics is a primary yet too rough argument, geography and culture will be invited to justify political choices. Thus, the return to primary sources of European identity will be topical for as long as internal chasms compel political Europe to balance between strengthening polity and the conception of a cowardly market partnership. Considering these elements, we have to remember the remark according to which elements belonging to culture and identity have not been a priority for the union of Europe unless threatened from the outside. Consequently, we can assume that the borders of the political Europe will be the result of a synthesis of geo-cultural Europe and geopolitics, that is, a political compromise of the Europeans considering more or less the internal force relations relating to the polity project and the global cosmosystem.
If there still is a certain cultural cosmopolitanism preserved amongst elites throughout epochs despite the existing borders and the need to control people, nation-states enrich national cultural awareness and make the Judeo-Greek-Latin heritage deeply influencing all cultures on a continent a common denominator despite other movements and subsequent repercussions. The answer comes quickly: such unified culture remains a myth amongst a Europe marked by cultural diversity. If there still is a certain cultural cosmopolitanism preserved amongst elites throughout epochs despite the existing borders and the need to control people, nation-states enrich national cultural awareness and make the Judeo-Greek-Latin heritage deeply influencing all cultures on a continent a common denominator despite other movements and subsequent repercussions Rigaud, So, what is the Europe of culture?
What are its content, meaning, and project? We cannot speak of a cultural unity of Europe, according to Julien Benda. He repeats that we have to consider national particularities coming to the foreground and strengthened throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. National culture, cultural identity The notions of national culture and cultural identity always involve a risk of narcissism. The identity of each nation cannot be considered as contradictory, multiple and subject to steady updates. Thus, the evolution of lifestyle, economy, science, as well as the staggering development of means of communication, the protest against institutions and structures Church, army, and university involve deep changes and deteriorations.
The importance of organising cultural life explains that in certain countries, the State has assumed a growing responsibility in the matter. The cases of Switzerland, Italy and the United Kingdom show how much governmental entities are involved in culture. Central and Eastern European countries see state institutions taking over in point of culture Rigaut, Cultural life is manifold in all European countries. Artistic professions are vulnerable and anxious about the future; financial requirements of culture are huge and they are seldom a priority for public communities.
Cultural function of the means of communication often remains an expectation. Much too often we regret the want for renewal of public cultural policies. Thus, we can speak of the need to recreate these policies. In fact, culture should be the object of political will in its most noble meaning due to its unquestionable importance and the place it holds amongst European peoples.
Yet the difficulties, doubts and questions raised by cultural life contribute to bringing the European countries together insofar as none can consider its relationship with culture as a closed nucleus Rigaut, Considering the current context, are changes elements of connection or distance between our countries? Whether limited to the European Union or not, does Europe have an integrative cultural function or does it not?
Language and culture Language and culture are the core of identity phenomena. After the s, the notion of identity becomes successful in the field of social sciences. It has acquired several definitions and interpretations. We can define it as a set of directories of action, language and culture allowing an individual to see their appurtenance to a certain social and power group and thus identify themselves. Yet identity does not solely depend on the birth of choices acted out by subjects. In the field of the power relations policy, groups can grant an identity to individuals. For instance, the French tend to confine all immigrants from Western Africa to one African identity, while they refuse this mixture.
Some are Christian, some are Muslims. Some speak a language, while others speak another language. Within the framework of globalisation of culture, an individual can assume different identifications mobilising different elements of language, culture, or religion, according to the context. Individual and collective identification through culture has as a corollary the production of Otherness as compared to other groups belonging to a different culture.
We know that language is the irreplaceable support of cultures. Globalisation and Culture As a general and irreversible phenomenon, globalisation concerns all aspects of human life and particularly culture. Thus, we can ask the following question: does globalisation of economy necessarily lead to rendering European, or world, cultures American? Undoubtedly, we witness a certain Americanisation of mass culture — through television, cinema, music, jeans, Coca-Cola, hamburgers, and Disneyland.
It is obvious that this American domination is more sensitive in the field of image, whether animated or still, rather than music, theatre or books. Globalisation raises another question to the Europe of culture: what do other countries and continents, such as Latin America, Japan, Africa, the East, with which there are cultural connections and where they still speak European languages, such as the Portuguese, Spanish, or French, expect from Europe?
This is obviously a challenge for Europe. Throughout this progressing process of metamorphosis, political and economic changes cause antagonist cultural conceptions within Europe. We cannot therefore speak of a European culture influencing national cultures. Nevertheless, we can say that the single project will always be defined through the multiplicity of the European area: the Europe of cultures. Fractures of social connections in our societies, the loss of reference in point of memory and values, the claims for local, regional, or ethnic identity, although legitimate, may question national cultures Rigaud, All countries in Europe face these issues, although each interprets and attempts to solve them depending on their own sensitivity, history, and political culture.
There is no doubt that the European Union has had after the Maastricht Treaty certain competence in the cultural field but it has only been subsidiary in order to resume the terms of the Treaty. In other words, the European Union has not reached a genuine legitimacy. Nevertheless, such questions seem limited to the countries of the European Union, as the Union itself does not stand for a cultural reality. On a cultural level, we can wonder what Europe would be without Switzerland or other Central and Eastern European countries of which Milan Kundera was right to say that they are culturally connected with the West, including the countries of Slavic origin Rigaud, For example, we can notice that in the field of museums, theatres, and festivals there are several connections between countries.
We also witness a strengthening cultural cooperation between cities, regions, universities, or associations. It is well-known that there are cultural powers pre-existing and transcending the Europe of treaties. From this perspective, there is one more question: is it possible to create or develop a joint cultural project from these cultural networks? Can this culture be merely the privilege of the elite? Can peoples see themselves as belonging to it? It means that the European initiatives and projects are determined by the national conceptions and interests of the Member States Sticht, Yet, it is important to stress that within the European Union, such a reality is expressed through the principle of subsidiarity according to which competences in point of culture are stressed by national policies.
Consequently, there is no genuine supranational cultural policy. Despite possible initiatives, certain economic and social elements interfere with national cultural policy and rather contribute to stating national values to the disadvantage of an intercultural platform. An example in point is the establishment of a European Cultural Institute.
However, it largely depends on harmonisation of national policies. In other words, such a project can only be strengthened by settling a common basis. We can therefore say that all harmonisation process faces several difficulties. Current challenges of the European cultural project have their origins in antagonisms that will only be overcome in favour of human meetings and exchanges that are indispensable to a joint project. To sum up, Europe is characterised by a cultural diversity strengthened by its local, regional and national identities and entities.
It is the principle of subsidiarity and cooperation mentioned in art. Considering this framework in coexistence with national interests and the establishment of multilateral projects, the emergence of a socio-cultural concept of culture has made it possible to have several and diverse reflections on the European dimension of culture Sticht, Particularly it is in the s that the European cultural dimension starts to develop. But they have overcome their past enmities and have decided that unity is a basic European necessity to ensure the survival of the civilization which they have in common.
The Nine wish to ensure that the cherished values of their legal, political and moral order are respected, and to preserve the rich variety of their national cultures [ All of these are fundamental elements of the European Identity. The diversity of cultures within the framework of a common European civilization, the attachment to common values and principles, the increasing convergence of attitudes to life, the awareness of having specific interests in common and the determination to take part in the construction of a United Europe, all give the European Identity its originality and its own dynamism.
Pamela Sticht, op. The document evokes values, joint principles, concepts on life, and elements that can establish a European identity familiar with human rights. He even evoked an extension beyond the borders of the united Europe Tindemans, This postulation was not welcome by the Member States. However, we should notice that there already was a European Culture Foundation established in Geneva in by the Swiss Denis de Rougement and inspired by the same ideals.
Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the action of the EEC although it lacks accuracy on a cultural level. In other words, the Treaty of Rome seeks to implement some means leading to concrete action even if it has not developed a cultural policy. Examples in point may be in the field of copyright and fiscality on cultural foundations See articles and 36 of the Treaty of Rome, We should underline the fact that at the same time, in the United States, the reflection on cultural identity tends towards multiculturalism as foundation for coexistence of different communities on the national territory.
Due to multicultural immigration flows, the debate in Europe focuses on majority identity. In the s, cultural cooperation between Member States is obvious in the Declaration of Stuttgart in and the Single Act in Thus, some make a call for setting up a genuine cultural policy. We have to add that there is a collaboration with the European Council and the UNESCO international organisation established on November 16, in the process of European construction.
The cultural project within the EEC is limited to its initial phase to define the objectives and methods for a European union on the political, economic and cultural levels. It is obvious that national interests prevail. Due to the difficulties in interpreting the concept of culture, the cultural project is not materialised.
However, cooperation between supranational instances has had an important impact on the process of harmonising national interests in a European context. As a matter of fact, it is not surprising that it has become urgent to become aware of the value of culture in the European political context. This is what has happened in the case of the Treaty of Maastricht. A supranational culture? Which is then the innovative element brought by the Treaty of Maastricht from the point of the European dimension of culture?
I repeat, it is the enforcement of the principle of subsidiarity expanded to the cultural field. This means that the dispositions of art. Which are the common elements and which are the differences? The article of the Treaty expresses in a very objective manner: increasing knowledge and the dissemination of the European culture and history; preservation and safeguard of the European cultural patrimony; cultural exchange; artistic, literary and audiovisual creations.
It means bringing to the foreground the cooperation with third countries and international organisations competent in the field of culture, particularly the Council of Europe. The intrinsic connection between culture and other fields of intervention is settled, too. The coordinating body as settled by art. There have been contestations, such as the one of the Italian Roberto Barzanti, who criticises the principle of subsidiarity that he considers a hindrance to a joint cultural policy Barzanti, , Apud Sticht, On the contrary, other opinions, such as that of Colette Flesch, Director General of the Audiovisual, are in favour of this principle in the sense that, according to her, it makes the best use of cooperation between Member States and provides incentives to awareness on the European dimension of culture.
Such an idea emerges from the Treaty of Amsterdam art. According to the Treaty of Maastricht art. Community programmes should be the fruit of these analyses, surveys and projects. It aims at projects lasting several years and envisages a diversity of the means to be used in order to carry out a viable cultural policy.
As a whole, it indicates the strategies and research to fill in for the lacks of previous programmes without however interfering with national competences. But if community policy has to be complementary to national policies, we should also mention private initiatives establishing inter-European networks centres, associations, forums, etc. Within the framework of the abovementioned changes, two antagonist thinking movements prevail: the former allows the coexistence of local, regional and national identities, that is, multiculturalism; the latter is based on the will to bring together national interests with a view to reach a single policy aiming at establishing a European national state against national states or at defending interculturality — as needed and advisable.
Thus, we can wonder if it is not a utopia to attempt to establish a European state based on a joint European culture. The question is immediate: such united culture is still a myth in a Europe of cultural diversity Sticht, ; Vinsonneau, It suggests an interplay between state policy and the manner in which refugees frame and present their own experiences and identities.
Keywords: migration, refugees, homelands, asylum-seekers, screening At first sight, the issue seems so simple: a person, a bundle, a journey Yet the issue has been discussed and — arguably — is being debated with greater intensity during a period of renewed concern about the nature of national borders in a globalizing world. While fully recognizing the distress suffered by refugees, she questioned the usual diagnosis that was applied to their condition. Malkki suggested that such beliefs reflected the form in which nationalism had developed in modern Europe.
Given these perspectives, refugee agencies tended to misunderstand the nature of displacement. He questioned whether globalisation was having as dramatic effects as Malkki assumed. Rather than producing an evaporation of borders, he argued, globalization was stimulating nation-states to draw firmer, tighter borders around their territories. Malkki concentrated on the actual experience of the people carrying the bundles: these are the ones who have left their homelands.
Michel-Acatl Monnier makes some pertinent observations about the nature of registration processes. He noted the disparity between how the interviewers understood their role, and the ignorance, the lack of preparation or comprehension on the part of the asylum-seekers. On the other hand, the interviewers are more than familiar with a certain procedure, and seem to take it for granted. Welfare agencies and interviewers share a common culture, almost a complicity: all fail to consider how their procedures might appear to the asylum-seeker.
Monnier concluded by asking a pointed question: who is the successful asylum-seeker? The one who tells the truth, or the one who learns to lie in an acceptable and convincing manner? The difficult, irregular evolution of the concept took the form of a type of dialogue between exiles, peoples, states and international bodies over the succeeding centuries. The first responses were ad hoc: particular solutions by specific states to particular crises. As a generalisation, refugees fleeing political oppression were accepted by other states. For example, republican and radical exiles after were largely welcomed by neighbouring states, with little consideration for the political causes they represented; those who fled France after the repression of the Paris Commune of met with some greater scepticism Caestecker, Perhaps the darkest hour was in June , at the Evian Conference in Switzerland.
This was called to discuss the fate of Jews in Nazi Germany, but not a single major power was prepared to make any special provision to allow for the entry of German Jewish refugees. The unique exception was the Dominican Republic which, through a bizarre historical paradox, was pursuing a racist policy of encouraging white immigration, and therefore welcomed European Jewish emigrants Wells, Dolores Torres, a refugee crossing into France in January , was immediately asked the age of her son as she arrived at the frontier. She realized that if she told the truth, and admitted that he was sixteen, he would be judged to be of an age where he could have served with the Republican forces, and therefore the French authorities would take him away from her, and intern him with the other adult males.
Similar screening processes were implemented after , as Allied agencies attempted to distinguish between Displaced Persons who merited humanitarian assistance, and mere homeless Germans, who were judged to be as guilty as the Nazi regime. These examples demonstrate how state policy has not only influenced and shaped comprehension of what constitutes a refugee, but has also provoked certain types of behaviour from the refugees themselves as they attempt to negotiate their status.
This can lead to a type of hyper-nationalism among refugees. One can be struck by the number of Spanish refugees who quickly turned to use the word Reconquista to define their political hopes: the term was first applied, retrospectively, to the final defeat of the Muslim Moors in Spain in , and formed a key concept in an emerging right-wing, nationalistic paradigm, tracing a history of an assertive nationalism from , through the revolt against French occupation to the uprising against the republic.
Smadar Lavie and Ted Swedenburg have observed this tendency to grasp onto national identities among exile communities. Like Kibreab, they note that exile communities often are desperate for a fixed sense of identity and homeland. When the reconstruction of the nation by the refugee community is not a viable option, then assimilation is proposed. Sometimes refugees can achieve astounding successes within the context set by the national paradigm as the following biographical examples demonstrate.
His novels are now regarded as masterpieces of English literature. Such people do re-create successful lives, but often achieve this through a masterful manipulation of their marginal status. These could include: 4 One small, personal anecdote: he also taught my mother architectural history at Birbeck University. He was expelled from the Communist Party in , arrested in and , and then expelled in He subsequently lived in Belgium and France, leaving in for Mexico. During his various exiles he wrote some remarkable novels See Weissman, Chao is currently a successful and innovative musician, pioneering forms of world music and cultural fusion.
These examples suggest that there is another viable option available to refugees that is neither assimilation nor repatriation. But this insight should not blind us to the fact that developing global structures are challenging these established forms. The widespread attempts to create stricter border controls may well be responses to a perceived weakness rather than indications of a continuing strength, as declining state structures obstinately refuse to surrender the last prerogative of national sovereignty: the right to refuse admission to foreigners Eeckhout, 9 octobre The solidity of the nineteenth-century nation-state is itself, in part, merely a representation by the state of itself.
In reality, each state has encountered dilemmas of definition and control. The older political movements, whether anarchist, communist, socialist or republican, looked to the construction of forms of public community as a means to implement their programmes: today, community is eroded as real political power slips away from the public space. Certainly, there are some profound and important changes emerging in the nature of culture within the globalizing world.
Like the examples previously cited, he notes the continuing tendency for exile communities and protest movements to speak the language of nationalism, but cautions against seeing this as proof of the permanency of the nation-state. More prosaically, one could consider the evidence uncovered by Fabrizio Gatti, an Italian journalist who travelled with would-be emigrants from west Africa along the new caravan route, up through central Africa, across the Sahara, into Libya and — if they are lucky — onto one of the Mediterranean islands within the EU.
These people often started their journeys with funds, maps and the typical bundles of possessions which seem to have been carried by all exile people since the dawn of time. Above all, they were absolutely alone. No father, no brother, no state, no humanitarian organisation and above all, no government, whose corrupt choices had already led them to their plight, would ever mourn their death.
At first sight, this does appear to be a situation of absolute dispossession and absolute despair. But then, on further acquaintance, Gatti realizes that even these hopelessly exploited travellers retain one last resource. These young people have no home. They do not know where they will be, what they will be doing or where they will live next month. But they all have an e-mail address.
The web and the internet remain for them the only stable dimension. It is the only space in which they have an address, in which they can leave a mark, in which they can exist. These young people who have fled the dead end of their native land have become the true residents of the global village Gatti, One cannot argue that this slender connection is any meaningful manner an adequate substitute for the resources offered by a modern nation-state. On the other hand, it is an indication of an important shift in communicative cultures: the sense of separation, of isolation, of diaspora often felt by the exile, while still real, no longer has the same force that it possessed only twenty years ago.
Secondly, this resource does point to a new form of community, which in turn can function as a means of mobilisation and activism Saunders, The recent work on diasporas suggests the importance of these new exile communities. In a sense, his observation leads us back to the contrasting arguments of Kibreab and Malkki: the first defining the refugee experience by what the refugee does not possess, the second by their potential to create something more.
The End of the Refugee Camp Travellers arriving in a foreign country are often surprised by the way they are met and understood. Sometimes the misunderstandings can be about the most basic elements of identity. Such misunderstandings and simplifications have, however, far more serious consequences when they are enacted and enforced through bureaucratic and institutional measures.
This issue lies at the centre of the debate on definition. There can only be one definition if there is one category to be identified, registered and treated: nation-states seek homogeneous units as the subjects for their policies Skran and Daughtry, Such practices have an ambiguous role. On the hand, they do imply recognition, and the failure to gain recognition perhaps constitutes a still greater tragedy than life in a refugee camp. Today there are approximately two million Iraqis who have fled their homes and their nation: about a million of them live in Syria, about half a million in Jordan.
Only seven thousand managed to gain access to the USA in 5. One would think it was self-evident that such people must be accorded refugee status. In fact, this has not happened.
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One simple, bureaucratic reason for this absence is that neither Syria nor Jordan have signed the relevant UN conventions on refugees the Convention and the protocol. But there is another, more profound and more disturbing reason for the invisibility of the Iraqi exiles. In its place, a series of largely inadequate substitutes have been proposed: safe havens, safe corridors, preventive zones and preventive assistance. I have found this article exceptionally useful, and it has shaped many of the points made in the subsequent paragraphs.
This inevitably draws them into sectarian enclaves. Considering this point, Seteney Shami speculates about the new forms of exilic identity which might emerge from this context, and whether, in particular, Islamic movements might function as appropriate forms of global, transnational identities, replacing the various protest-nationalisms that previously dominated refugee communities Shami, Conclusion The debate between Malkki and Kibreab turns on the issue of whether one sees refugee status as a humiliation or as a recognition.
Kibreab correctly observes how it can be difficult to obtain such a status, and notes the concrete, if limited, benefits which can derive from it. His arguments, however, remain predicated on the continuing existence of nation-states in their established forms. This assumption leads him to under-estimate the potential development of non-state, post- national identities among refugees in a globalised world. Daniel and J. Valentine and Knudsen, John Chr. Skran, Claudena and Daughtry, Carla N. Keywords: Georgia and Europe, background of relationships, cultural communications and perspectives I.
Reflections on the Theory of Cross-Cultural Communications The classic academic explanation for cross-cultural communications is an adequate mutual understanding together with a relationship between two participants in the act of communication who belong to different national cultures; at the same time it expresses a tolerant attitude towards different ethnic groups.
The main goal of cross- cultural communications is to reach international consensus in all areas of social life. Cross-cultural communications is as complicated as the culture of each country in itself. For centuries the humanity has been trying to solve the dilemma of the relationship between two civilizations — the East and the West. The complexity of these communications are expressed in the global process of evolution, as well as individually in different aspects of social life of each society, in specific areas of national cultures, even in personal or everyday habits.
This circumstance has permanently had the country facing historical choices. The 21st century demands new trends from the peoples all over the world: to not lose the national identity when interacting with different nationalities and cultures. The cultural diversities could be expressed in many aspects of the human life. Among them there are some main branches which are of the outmost importance, both difficult and interesting at the same time: science, arts, business, politics, social life.
In its more technical epistemological perspective, it is defined as the study of subjective and sensori-emotional values, or sometimes called judgments of sentiment and taste. Aesthetics studies how artists imagine and perform works of art, it studies how they feel about art—why they like some works and not others, how art can affect their moods and attitude toward life. The phrase was coined in English in the 18th century. More broadly, scholars in the field define aesthetics as "critical reflection on art and nature". The term "aesthetics" was appropriated and coined with new meaning by the German philosopher Alexander Baumgarten in his dissertation Meditationes philosophicae de nonnullis ad poema pertinentibus in Aesthetics, a not tidy intellectual discipline, is a heterogeneous collection of problems that concern the arts but relate to nature.
Even though his definition in the fragment Aesthetica is more referred to as the first definition of modern aesthetics. Aesthetics is for the artist; some separate aesthetics and philosophy of art, claiming that the former is the study of beauty while the latter is the study of works of art. However, most Aesthetics encompasses both questions around beauty as well as questions about art, it examines topics such as aesthetic objects, aesthetic experience, aesthetic judgments.
For some, aesthetics is considered a synonym for the philosophy of art since Hegel , while others insist that there is a significant distinction between these related fields. In practice, aesthetic judgement refers to the sensory contemplation or appreciation of an object, while artistic judgement refers to the recognition, appreciation or criticism of art or an art work.
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Philosophical aesthetics has not only to speak about art and to produce judgments about art works, but has to give a definition of what art is. Art is an autonomous entity for philosophy, because art deals with the senses and art is as such free of any moral or political purpose. Hence, there are two different conceptions of art in aesthetics: art as knowledge or art as action, but aesthetics is neither epistemology nor ethics.
Aestheticians compare historical developments with theoretical approaches to the arts of many periods, they study the varieties of art in relation to their physical and culture environments. Aestheticians use psychology to understand how people see, imagine, think and act in relation to the materials and problems of art. Aesthetic psychology studies the creative process and the aesthetic experience. Aesthetics examines our affective domain response to an object or phenomenon Judgments of aesthetic value rely on our ability to discriminate at a sensory level.
However, aesthetic judgments go beyond sensory discrimination. For David Hume , delicacy of taste is not "the ability to detect all the ingredients in a composition", but our sensitivity "to pains as well as pleasures, which escape the rest of mankind. For Immanuel Kant , "enjoyment" is the result when pleasure arises from sensation, but judging something to be "beautiful" has a third requirement: sensation must give rise to pleasure by engaging our capacities of reflective contemplation.
Judgments of beauty are sensory and intellectual all at once. Kant observed of a man "If he says that canary wine is agreeable he is quite content if someone else corrects his terms and reminds him to say instead: It is agreeable to me," because "Everyone has his own taste"; the case of "beauty" is different from mere " agreeableness " because, "If he proclaims something to be beautiful he requires the same liking from others.
Roger Scruton has argued similarly. Viewer interpretations of beauty may on occasion be observed to possess two concepts of value: aesthetics and taste. Aesthetics is the philosophical notion of beauty. Taste is a result of an education process and awareness of elite cultural values learned through exposure to mass culture. Bourdieu examined how the elite in society define the aesthetic values like taste and how varying levels of exposure to these values can result in variations by class, cultural background, education.
According to Kant, beauty is universal.
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Olivier Besancenot Olivier Besancenot. In the first round of the presidential election, Besancenot received 4. Olivier Besancenot was born on 18 April in Levallois-Perret in the Hauts-de-Seine region, his father was a teacher, his mother a psychologist at a school. He studied history at University of Paris X. Since , he has worked as a postal carrier in Neuilly-sur-Seine , a suburb of Paris , is dismissed by his right-wing opponents as "The Red Postman".
Besancenot, eschews the Trotskyist label: I'm neither Trotskyist nor Guevarist or Luxemburgist , I'm a revolutionary, and revolution needs to be reinvented, for no revolutionary experiment has succeeded. Some of them ended up as bloody caricatures. Besancenot's engagement in left-wing politics started early, he joined the Revolutionary Communist Youth in In , he joined the LCR.
He gained national prominence. At twenty-eight, he was the youngest presidential candidate in the country's history. Standing on a revolutionary socialist platform, he gained 4. Among voters under the age of 25, he gained In the run-up to the second round of voting, Besancenot urged voters to ensure that the far-right Le Pen did not gain power, by re-electing Jacques Chirac , despite his own misgivings about Chirac's political positions. Besancenot ran again for the presidential election, his slogan throughout the campaign was "Nos vies valent plus que leurs profits". He stood for political and electoral independence of the anti-capitalist left from the Socialist Party, against its participation in a centre-left government.
Besancenot was endorsed by British filmmaker Ken Loach , known for depictions of working-class struggles, his campaign's closing rally, in Paris, was attended by 4,, the largest meeting organised by the LCR or its predecessors since Besancenot gained 1,, votes or 4. After the victory of Sarkozy in the second round, Besancenot and LCR call for "a united front of all the social and democratic forces to organise a response faced to the extreme neoliberal and repressive programme of Sarkozy.
The party aims to field its first electoral candidates at the EU parliamentary elections. Whilst plans were being put in place for the formation of this party, Besancenot was able to capitalise on the infighting occurring in the PS in the summer of , as its members prepared to convene at La Rochelle for their annual party leadership contest. His popularity continued to increase, as he remonstrated the PS for focusing its attention on him, not the incumbent president, Sarkozy. Besancenot told French TV, a medium in which he found himself in greater demand, that, "It's up to the population to get there one way or another".
Religion Religion is a cultural system of designated behaviors and practices, worldviews, sanctified places, ethics, or organizations, that relates humanity to supernatural , transcendental, or spiritual elements. However, there is no scholarly consensus over what constitutes a religion. Different religions may or may not contain various elements ranging from the divine, sacred things, faith, a supernatural being or supernatural beings or "some sort of ultimacy and transcendence that will provide norms and power for the rest of life".
Religious practices may include rituals, commemoration or veneration, festivals, trances , funerary services, matrimonial services, prayer, art, public service, or other aspects of human culture. Religions have sacred histories and narratives, which may be preserved in sacred scriptures, symbols and holy places, that aim to give a meaning to life.
Religions may contain symbolic stories, which are sometimes said by followers to be true, that have the side purpose of explaining the origin of life, the universe, other things. Traditionally, faith, in addition to reason, has been considered a source of religious beliefs. While the religiously unaffiliated have grown globally, many of the religiously unaffiliated still have various religious beliefs; the study of religion encompasses a wide variety of academic disciplines, including theology , comparative religion and social scientific studies.
Theories of religion offer various explanations for the origins and workings of religion, including the ontological foundations of religious being and belief. Religion is derived from the ultimate origins of which are obscure. One possible interpretation traced to Cicero , connects lego read, i. The definition of religio by Cicero is cultum deorum, "the proper performance of rites in veneration of the gods. The Roman naturalist Pliny the Elder used the term religio on elephants in that they venerate the sun and the moon. Modern scholars such as Tom Harpur and Joseph Campbell favor the derivation from ligare bind, connect from a prefixed re-ligare, i.
Augustine , following the interpretation given by Lactantius in Divinae institutiones, IV, 28; the medieval usage alternates with order in designating bonded communities like those of monastic orders: "we hear of the'religion' of the Golden Fleece , of a knight'of the religion of Avys '". In the ancient and medieval world, the etymological Latin root religio was understood as an individual virtue of worship in mundane contexts. In general, religio referred to broad social obligations towards anything including family, neighbors and towards God. Religio was most used by the ancient Romans not in the context of a relation towards gods, but as a range of general emotions such as hesitation, anxiety , fear.
The term was closely related to other terms like scrupulus which meant "very precisely" and some Roman authors related the term superstitio , which meant too much fear or anxiety or shame, to religio at times; when religio came into English around the s as religion, it took the meaning of "life bound by monastic vows" or monastic orders. The compartmentalized concept of religion, where religious things were separated from worldly things, was not used before the s; the concept of religion was first used in the s to distinguish the domain of the church and the domain of civil authorities.
In the ancient Greece , the Greek term threskeia was loosely translated into Latin as religio in late antiquity; the term was sparsely used in classical Greece but became more used in the writings of Josephus in the first century CE. It was used in mundane contexts and could mean multiple things from respectful fear to excessive or harmfully distracting practices of others. It was contrasted with the Greek word deisidaimonia which meant too much fear. The modern concept of religion, as an abstraction that entails distinct sets of beliefs or doctrines, is a recent invention in the English language; such usage began with texts from the 17th century due to events such the splitting of Christendom during the Protestant Reformation and globalization in the age of exploration , which involved contact with numerous foreign cultures with non-European languages.
Some argue that regardless of its definition, it is not appropriate to apply the term religion to non-Western cultures. Others argue that using religion on non-western cultures distorts what people believe; the concept of religion was formed in the 16th and 17th centuries, despite the fact that ancient sacred texts like the Bible , the Quran , others did not have a word or a concept of religion in the original languages and neither did the peopl.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Michel Onfray. Argentan , Orne , France. Schools of hedonism. Key concepts. Related articles. Paradox of hedonism Hedonic treadmill. By religion. By religious figure. By text. Religious violence. Related topics. Le Ventre des philosophes. Thoreau le sauvage , Le Passeur, Miroir du nihilisme.
L'ordre Libertaire: La vie philosophique de Albert Camus. New Politics. Retrieved April 4, Retrieved June 15, The Celebrity Cafe. Archived from the original on Archived from the original PDF on Christ myth theory. Biblical minimalism Historicity of the Bible Textual criticism Criticism of the Bible People whose existence is disputed. John M. Price J. Robertson Acharya S Gilbert T.
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