By Rudolf Grosch, Berlin, By Alexander Jung, Stuttgart, Sag Srle6ni3 unb bie id tung. By Wilhelm Dilthey, Leipzig, Of very great value. By Moeller van den Brack, Minden i. Holderlin pages By Gustav Kiihne, Leipzig, By August Sauer, Wien, S5ie ntroic! By Franz Zin- kernagel, Strassburg, By Carl Miiller-Rastatt, Bremen, A story with Holderlin and his friends as char- acters. By Guido Wenzel, Magdeburg, An interesting study. By Wilhelm Bohm, Weimar, By Lothar Bbhme, Naumburg, By Ernst Bauer, Leipzig, By Leo Francke, Breslau, Five different versions are extant; best are those of and the final one of Snrtfdje ebicfjte, begun in Holderlin's youth, nothing written after Neither political nor literary phenomena happen this way.
They may, to be xsure, come to a head overnight, but if they are really r momentous they have been a very long time in the making. There has always been a romantic strain in German litera- ture, more so, possibly, than in the other great literatures, since that of Germany has so doggedly concerned itself first and foremost with the individual heart, with the per- sonal affairs of the writer, with things German rather than I foreign.
Goethe's " Iphigenie," though in no way a romantic drama, contains one verse that is ultra-romantic, namely,- 2 a Sanb ber riecfjen mit ber eele fitdjenb. This verse might almost be set up as the guiding star of the efforts of Holderlin, the Schlegels at first, Goethe as a Romanticist, Wilhelm Miiller and others. Its shibboleth was " War against Enlightenment, War for Fancy. Brrort-lived indeed was this Romantic School. Its mem- bers had too many irons in the fire ; they reacted against too many things. To take a figure from pedagogy, they were too appreciative of the principle of " situation and response," so that they suggested much more than they accomplished.
Others, the appropriation of foreign litera- tures through translations, the introduction of Christian as opposed to Classic art, were well meant, but the carrying out of even these, especially the latter, led to a disconcert- ing vagueness. The death of Novalis and Wackenroder and the paucity of works that the general public would and could read, made the idea of dismemberment seem ex- tremely plausible.
They separated and each went his own way, but they had started a school, which, in default of a more telling name, tradition has called the Berlin-Jena School. And it would be very erroneous to believe that we have to do here with a well-organized and lasting school. The leaders did not know exactly what they wanted, and they hung together, at most, only from to Indeed, it is only for the sake of convenience that Romanticism is ever spoken of in connection with a town.
And from this standpoint, there were the following schools the facts are , found in Kummer, page 52 : JENA: the literary leaders and Karoline, Schleiermacher and Schelling. Runge, K. Friedrich, Kleist. KOLN : the Boisserees. The essential differences between the two main schools are pointed out in the preface to the Heidelberg group. Berlin was then the citadel of Rationalism. His father, a rope-maker by trade, a man of considerable experience and some travel, orderly, systematic, practical and industrious in his work, opposed his imaginative son in any and all schemes that seemed to him fantastic, including the boy's wish to become an actor.
As to religion, the father was skeptical. On reading one day in Paul Gerhard's hymn, 9? The whole world does not sleep ; in America the sun is now shin- ing and the people are awake. It was by her that Tieck's fancy was first aroused. He attended the Friedrich Werdersches gymnasium in Berlin, a thoroughly rationalistic institution then under the leadership of Friedrich Gejdicke. It was here that he formed his friendship with Wack- enroder. He entered the University of Halle in to study theology, but devoted the major part of his time to letters.
He then entered Gottingen, where he concerned himself pri- marily with English literature. He studied for a short while in at Erlangen with Wackenroder, returned, however, to Gottingen in the same year and finished, after a fashion, his studies. He then spent three years in Berlin writing " Strauss- federn " for Nicolai, the most extreme of the Rationalists.
From to he lived in Dresden and became acquainted with Henrik Stejjeris in Tharandt. From to his head- quarters were Ziebingen, near Frankfurt an der Oder, from- which point he made journeys to Italy , Baden-Baden , Prag , England From to his headquarters were Dresden, where he became court councilor "and dramaturge of the Royal Theatre. He accepted and lived at Berlin, or in Potsdam, the rest of his days. His wife died in , ms famous daughter, Dorothea, in ; he himself died at Berlin, April 28, The life of Ludwig Tieck, the leader of the Berlin-Jena School and its chief poet, falls into three rather distinct periods.
From to he was, by vocation at least, a Rationalist. From to he was a Romanticist of the most genuine sort. From to he was a Realist, not of the extreme modern type, rather a tamed Realist, one who had passed through one literary apprenticeship that was never wholly con- genial to him, and another of which he had now had. He had a great talent for making friends, a mania for collecting books, and an insatiable. He was, literally speaking, a man of dreams and visions. It is said of him that he could not appreci- ate Correggio until he had seen in a dream the beauty of his works, and then it was all clear.
He suffered for fifty years from gout and rheumatism and always from moods artd melan- choly. He wrote in all 23 dramas, 75 narrative pieces, 10 sketches on art, 45 literary treatises, dramatic criticisms and numerous poems aside from his translations. He was famous in his day as a public reader, editor, translator, critic, dramaturge, adapter and mimicker. His works lack life, since he wrote mostly for aesthetic reasons rather than from real inspiration. Of great service to other poets, Lenz, Novalis and Kleist, and especially Kleist, he received in turn decisive influence from his friend Wackenroder.
Idolized by his contemporaries, he has been neglected, until recently, by poster- ity. Goethe said of him : ted ift etn talent toon fjofyer SBebeutung, unb e fann feme aufserorbenttidje SSerbtenfte niemnnb beffer erfennen at id felber ; attetn roenn man ifm iiber if;n felbft unb mir gteid fteKen mitt, fo ift man im Srrtiim.
Twenty-eight volumes, Berlin, Edited by Heinrich Weld, Stuttgart Cotta , 8 volumes, Berlin, Subroig Xiecf. By Rudolf Kopke, Leipzig, Subroig XiedE. By Hermann Freiherr von Friesen, 2 volumes, Wien, German Romance. By Thomas Carlyle, Boston, Pages and By Hermann Petrich, Leipzig, By Bernhard Steiner, Berlin, Subroig Siecf al3 -Dramaturg. By Heinrich Bischoff, Bruxelles, Gamier, Giessen, Subroig terf3 enooeua alS romantijd;e Sidjtung 6etrad tet. By Johann Ranftl, Graz, Subroig Xierf Snrif. By Wilhelm Miessner, Berlin, By Karl Hassler, Greifswald, By Hans Giinther, Leipzig, By Fritz Briiggemann, Leipzig, By Siegfried Krebs, Frei- burg i.
By Walther Steinert, Dortmund, By Erich Schonebeck, Berlin, By Oskar Wohnlich, Tubingen, Sag djirffal, tale Straufsfebern , 52 pp. Y S er blonbe rfbert, fairy tale, 28 pp. Seben unb Xob ber tyeiligen enooeoa, romantic tragedy, pp. I, S5ie emalbe, first novelette, 96 pp. S er 3lufrufr in ben Seoennen, novelette, pp. Sidjterleben, Shakespeare novelette, pp. Sob beg 3 td ter Camoens , novelette, pp. SBalbeinfatnfeit, novelette, 95 pp. A very good collection of Tieck's poems is found in the Cotta edition, Volume 8, pages His poems are, as is the case generally with the Romanticists, scattered throughout his prose works.
Nothing significant known of his mother. Father was a Privy Councilor of War, full of integrity, a lover of order, acquainted with literature, pedantic. Studied with Tieck at the Friedrich Werdersches gymnasium in Berlin, then studied law at Erlangen and Gottingen i Finished his course in law and became referendary at the Chamber Court in Berlin.
The altera pars of Tieck, with whom he discovered " the artistic beauties of Niirnberg and whom he loved in nearly unhealthy fashion. The representative impressionist of the old school. Died at Berlin, February 13, Edited by Jakob Minor, D. Introduction, pages i to viii. By Heinrich Wolfflin, Hamburg and Leipzig, By Paul Koldewey, Gottin- gen, Edited by Karl Detlev Jessen, Leipzig, Introduction, pages i to xxxvi. According to Minor, Tieck wrote I. There were eleven children in the family, the parents were Moravians and intensely religious. His father, a man of excellent business ability, unsympathetic with his-' son's poetic inclinations, became director of the Saxon- Electorate salt works.
After having received careful training from his pious mother and his conscientious tutor, he studied at Lucklum, near Brunswick, at the gymnasium of Eisleben, and from to at the University of Jena, where he became interested in law and philosophy and was greatly influenced by Fichte and Reinhold, and especially by Schiller.
In he entered Leipzig and began his association with Fr. He finished his studies in law, mathematics and chemistry at Wittenberg. On November 17, , he entered the employ of the salt company at Tennstadt, near Griiningen, where he met Sophie von Kiihn, then thirteen years old, who changed his present and determined his future. According to some she was the epitome of grace and charm; according to others, of ordinary looks and low mentality.
Their engagement followed ; she became ill in and died March 19, Schlegel, on March 25, Except a few poems, he left all of his works unfinished. He was utterly unknown in his day his father sang his hymns not knowing who had written them. And when Romanticism began to be seriously studied by scholars and frequently imitated' by poets in , it was Novalis who was first revived. Maeter- linck has translated his "Fragmente" and "Lehrlinge zu Sais" ' into French. Pure in character, he yet influenced Heine. The gentle phase of later Romanticism, as typified in Schulze's " Bezauberte Rose," came in part from him.
His pseudonym is from a branch of the family De Novali that lived in the thirteenth century. His prototypes were Klopstock. HHe was the type par excellence of a Romanticist who lived with i himself, not with the world. Of him Maeterlinck says : " He has caught a glimpse of a certain number of things one would never have suspected, had he not gone so far. He is the clock that has marked some of the most subtle hours of the human soul. He seems to be the hesitant consciousness of unity, but the most vaguely complete that we have thus far had. And there are few human beings in whom our universe was more spiritualized and more divinely human.
This is the fifth edition; the first ap- peared at Berlin in The fragment " Die Christenheit oder Europa" was first published in the fourth edition, Berlin, Tieck and Eduard von Billow published a more complete edition in Edited by Ernst Heilborn, 3 volumes, Berlin, Edited by Jakob Minor, 4 volumes, Leipzig, The most complete edition.
Contains prefaces to various other edi- tions, diary, variants and a biographical sketch by Kreisamtmann Just Volume i. One volume in 4 parts. Edited with biographical introduction and special introductions to the different works by Her- mann Friedemann, Berlin, no year The-most convenient place to read Novalis. Edited by Julian Schmidt, Leipzig, Contains introduction, pages i to xxiii, and brief notes. Edited by Wilhelm Bb'lsche, Leipzig, no year Contains introduction, pages i to 9. Fortlage, Jena, Novalis pages A collection of valuable documents from the family archives by a member of the family.
Gotha, By Henry Curwen, London, Bauer, Leipzig, Donner, Helsingfors, By Just Bing, Hamburg and Leipzig, Bio- graphical sketch. By Carl Busse, Oppeln, By Ernst Heilborn, Berlin, Contains a valuable catalogue of Novalis's library. By Egon Fridell, Munchen, Spenle, Paris, In French, an excel- lent treatise. By Edgar Ederheimer, Heidel- berg, Olshausen, Leipzig, By Antonie Hug von Hugenstein, Wien, Pages 79 to 93 and to Lessing, Goethe, Novalis pages to , Holderlin.
By Johannes Schlaf, Munchen, By Georg Gloege, Leipzig, By Moeller van den Bruck, Minden i. Novalis, pages to It will be noted that of the twenty references here listed, only five, and these not important, pre- date At the sug- gestion of Goethe, the Schlegels declined to publish it in the Athenaum. V Jpeinrid uon Dfterbingen, novel in two parts, first part complete, pp. These have been published separately. His fragments are so unfinished and incomplete that to say what they mean is to speculate and nothing more.
Father, Johann Adolf Schlegel, preacher, contributor to the Bremer Beitrdge, poet, translated Batteux's " Einschrankung der schonen Kiinste auf einen einzigen Grundsatz. Attended the lyceum of Hannover, entered Gottingen , studied theology and philology, influenced by C. Heyne, G. Burger and Friedrich Bouterwek, finished his studies in Became a tutor at Amsterdam in , held the position until , returned to Germany, worked with Schiller until , taught at Jena from to Married Caroline Michaelis, widow of Boehmer, a physician ; they were divorced in , and she married Schelling.
It is surmised that he helped her write " De I'Allemagne. Easy, elegant, correct, chivalric, vain, generous in disposition.
- Wrongly Accused Part Three;
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Extremely weak as a poet, extremely well-read, the foremost critic of the Berlin-Jena school and one of the world's greatest translators. Stttein bamtt ift c nictyt getl an. Died at Bonn, May 12, Edited by Eduard Booking, 12 volumes in 6, Leipzig, Biographical sketch of the Schlegels, pages i to Ixxv, by Oskar F.
Walzel, Volume , Stuttgart, no year. By David Friedrich Strauss, pages to , Leipzig, By Michael Bernays, Leipzig, By Emil Sulger-Gebing, Miinchen, Vol- ume 3 " Schriften " , pp. Discusses the political conditions of Dante's time. Volume 7, pp. Appeared in Schiller's Horen and was influenced by Schiller's " Uber naive und sentimentalische Dichtung. Appeared in Schiller's Horen. Satire in prose and verse against Kotzebue, pp. Dating back to Volume i, pp. SchlegePs poems are weak. The sonnet on himself is a poetization of his own vanity.
Their father, Johann Adolf, died in , the year Friedrich made his literary debut with his essay on the schools of Greek poets. Dull and melancholy in his youth, his parents thought it best to start him in business; but in he entered the University of Gottingen to study law and philol- ogy, went then to Leipzig and turned his attention to literature. Influenced by C.
Estab- lished with August Wilhelm Das Athendum , the official organ of the older school. Lived in the Romantic circle in Jena from to Broke, partly, with his brother after writing " Lucinde. Went to Vienna in , lectured on modern history and litera- ture with great success ; became friendly with Metternich, to whom he dedicated his " Geschichte der alten und neuen Litera- tur " ; was Secretary of the Diet at Frankfurt am Main '; published the magazine Concordia from to , a paper which tried in vain to reconcile the conflicting views on Church and State.
Together with his brother Wilhelm he was the originator of modern criticism. A lazy genius, while his brother was a man of industrious talent. Goethe defended him and had his " Alarcos" performed, partly because Kotzebue attacked him. His wife Dorothea not only helped him by suggestion but did some of the work now published under his name.
Xie fyerdorbringenbe ftraft ift raftlo unb unftat,. He was always fond of jesting, especially about the evils that had come over the world with the inventing of the printing press. His wife died August 3, ; he himself died at Dresden while giving a series of lectures, January 12, Fifteen volumes in 7, Vienna, Edited by J. Minor, Wien, This is invaluable; it contains those brilliant flashes of incoherent wit that characterized the youthful writer. Capen, Philadelphia, Frederic Schlegel et la genese du Romantisme allemand.
Rouge, Paris, An excellent treatise. By Wal- ther Glawe, Berlin, By Paul Lerch, Berlin, By Friedrich Lederbogen, Leipzig, Suctnbe, formless novel, small pages in the first edition. SUarcoS, tragedy, 70 pp. Written in many different verse and strophe forms. Really written by Dorothea. More interesting than artistic, it grew out of the events of the time. From to i8jj. Napoleon was the man nf Fatp, To the Germans he seemed like the mysterious fulfiller of a higher will..
Tne fearful battles of the War of Liberation had been fought and won to no purpose so far as civic and social and national relief was concerned. The motif in Germany was not the invention of any one poet. A movement in which Tieck, Schiller and Grillparzer played each a prominent part cannot have been based on any unity of action. Also, it is a vague conceit. When is a drama a fate drama? It is impossible to determine this with stop-watch accu- racy. Purpose and chance, or fate, frequently play parallel rdles in the lives of men. Then there was Calderon, whom they were studying and who had done, after a fashion, the same thing.
Nor was the idea original with the Romanticists; it was employed by the Greeks, where the great the gods ruled over the small the mortals. The three most conspicuous fate dramatists are Houwald, Miillner and Zacharias Werner. An idea of the fate drama can be obtained from Milliner's " Schuld," one of the most important of the series. The tragedy was written in , first performed April 17, , and, after a few scenes had been published in Die Zeitung fur die elegante Welt, it appeared at Leipzig in It was translated into English by W.
Aside from servants there are seven characters ; the place is the shore of the North Sea. The plot is as follows : Don Valeros, a Castilian lord, has a son Hugo, who, on account of a prenatal curse pronounced by a Gipsy woman, has been entrusted to the family of Count Oerindur in the North. After reaching maturity, Hugo goes to Spain, and falls fatally in love with Elvire, the wife of Don Carlos.
Hugo kills Carlos while hunting and he and Elvire then go to the North according to a previous agreement. Valeros follows them in order to take vengeance on the murderer of Carlos. To his indescribable surprise, he learns that Hugo and Don Carlos are brothers, and that the curse pronounced by the Gipsy has been fulfilled on account of the very precautions that were taken to obviate it.
When Hugo sees what he has done, he takes his own life, Elvire having, in the meanwhile, taken hers. The curse of the Gipsy was as follows : agetang totrft bu bid quaten, f ' bu quttt tot r ft beiner Saft! The motif of fate is ever present. Hugo says that he is not sinful and murder-loving by nature, but that an unpro- pitious fate had foredoomed him to this inevitable end. The motif of the harp with the string that broke is also effectively used and never lost sight of ; it begins the drama and closes it.
As Milliner said, it is perfectly evident that he could not have received any essential inspiration from anything Schiller ever wrote ; but the similarity between Milliner's " Schuld " and Grillparzer's "Ahnfrau," written only three years later, lies on the surface. Family ennobled in Father a lawyer, president of the General Court of Justice. Studied domain-science at Halle, where he formed a lifelong friendship with Contessa. Married Had nine children of his own and adopted three others.
Wrote much for children. Main period of poetic pro- duction Gentle, lovable, somewhat sentimental and melancholy temperament.
The Life of August Wilhelm Schlegel
Never rich, always generous. Pop- ular rather because of his disposition than because of his genius. Died on his estate, January 29, Edited uncritical by Fried- rich Adami, 5 volumes, Leipzig, Introduction, pp. By Jakob Minor, Frankfurt am Main, Treats Werner, Miillner and Hou- wald pp. Spouroalb a! By Otto Schmidtborn, Marburg, Father plain and quiet. Mother, the favorite sister of G. Burger, talkative and imaginative.
Studied at Schulpforta, and took a course in law at Leipzig Practiced law at Weissen- fels from till his death. Established there an amateur theatre in An actor himself. All his plays written between and In 1 8 1 2 he wrote two comedies and two tragedies. His comedies abound in uncles. Edited three different magazines. Received the degree of doctor of laws at Wittenberg. Married Amalia von Lochau. Querulous and critical by nature. Wrote a few prose stories that deal with criminal subjects. Died June 1 1, , at Weissenfels.
Seven volumes in 4, Braunschweig, Prefaces by Milliner. By Professor Dr. Schiitz, Meissen, Born November 18, , at Konigsberg. His father, a professor at Konigsberg, died in His mother was nervous and abnormal ; she died in the obsession that she was the Holy Mother and that the Savior was her son. He attended the University of Konigsberg from to Heard Kant. Held government positions in South Prussia from to At Warsaw he associated with E. Hoffmann, J. Hitzig and Mnioch.
During this period he was three times married and three times divorced. His mother and Mnioch died on Feb- ruary 24, In he received a government position in Berlin, where he associated with the men of letters of the time. His "Luther" was performed in Berlin in A man of real gifts, especially along the line of the drama. Admired by Schiller, Goethe and Grillparzer at first; some thought he would take the place of Schiller as a dramatist. His best poetic years were After this his religiosity completely carried him away. One of the most unwholesome characters in German literature.
Influenced by J. Boehme, Tieck, Wackenroder, Schleiermacher. Wrote several poems. His sermons read rather well. Made little distinction in his youth between the church and the theatre ; he preached from the stage and acted from the pulpit. Died at Wien, January 17, Vierling, Nancy, Appendix of 37 pp. Sine tubie jur ea nif beg Sramag.
By Jonas Frankel, Hamburg, By Karl Irmler, Metz, A good study. Fifteen volumes in 5, Grimma, Volume 5 pp. SRarttn iiutfjer, ober bie 3Beifye ber 5lraft, historical drama in 5 acts, pp. SBanba, romantic tragedy in 5 acts, with songs, 85 pp. In the roauv-we associate the former with Jena and Berlin, the latter with Heidel- berg. In general, the former were born about five years before the latter. But then there were all kinds of natal, congenital, regional and temperamental exceptions. Arnim and Brentano were, for example, of Berlin.
And in a broad way it can. And it was also a question of Goethe. He found those of Heidelberg more congenial they were more poetic. They collected folk songs, and that reminded him of Herder, and of himself. They wrote works that contained more human touches than did those of Tieck and the Schlegels, and that pleased him.
And they were younger so that he could chide them and send them away with more propriety than he could the others. The seconcNv part of "Faust" is indeed Romantic, but it is Romantic J in the old, in the northern, sense, not in the southern. The fundamental difference between the Romanticism of Berlin and that of Heidelberg is best brought out in the journals, in the respective official organs, of the two groups. The very name Athenaum is significant. Either its editors are manifestly planning to look down from some lofty height on their own land or they are going to revive the glories, by way of teaching a lesson, of some far-away land in a far-off age.
They did the latter. Vari- ous other names were at first suggested for this paper : Herkules, Dioskuren, Parzen, but none of these would do. Neither would Deutsche Annalen nor Freya. Then for a while it was a choice between Schlegelenm and A thenaum, and this was chosen. The Schlegels made it plain that they were not simply the editors but also the contributors. Only a select few wrote for this journal. And Heine's too fre- quently quoted remark about Romanticism and Mediaeval- ism comes to poignant grief on reading this journal.
Greece, the Romance peoples, the philosophy of the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth century, and the authors themselves, these are the sole themes of this Romantic magazine with the Classic name. Of its The very name, Einsiedler-Zeitung or Trosteinsamkeit, is again significant. And Heidelberg, which at this time boasted of such names as Thibaut, Creuzer, Fries, Bockh and Daub, and which was on the point of getting Tieck, who did not write for the Athenaum, was in a particularly happy posi- tion to popularize the best traditions of Germany.
There are pages in the Einsiedler-Zeitung, as published in book form, and there are about different articles. To make, therefore, a few guarded generalizations jBerlin. Berlin suggested, Heidelberg executed. This is, however, only a conventional grouping. Arnim, Brentano and Cha- misso lived, after , in Berlin and constituted what might be called a second Berlin School. Nor was Eichen- dorff of the South by birth. Even regional generalizations are, in the case of poets, generally impossible.
He came of sturdy stock in the Mark, his family belonging to the nobility. After attending the Joachimsthalsches gymnasium in Berlin, he entered i the University of Halle, where he concerned him- self with physics, then a popular study. In he entered the University of Gottingen, where he continued his researches in mathematics, physics and chemistry. As early as he published an article on electricity that attracted attention. It was at Gottingen that he became acquainted with Goethe and 1 -"" Brentano; the latter saved him for literature. From to 1 8 1 4 he lived an unsettled life ; travelled through South Germany, Switzerland, France, England, Holland, the Rhine region; was in Heidelberg from to , or , in close touch with Brentano, Gorres and the Grimms.
He then lived in Berlin, Gottingen, Heidelberg. Weimar and Konigsberg. In he married Bettina, Brentano's sister, with whom he lived an ex- tremely happy married life ; they had seven children. During the War of Liberation he was captain of the fianbfturm. In he retired to his estate at Wipersdorf near Dahme, near Berlin, where he died of apoplexy on January 21, Eichendorff said of him : Sftdnnlid fd i.
Edited by Monty Jacobs, Berlin, no year , 2 vol- umes. The best edition for the general student Goldene Klassiker- Bibliothek , contains excellent biographical and critical introduction pages i to Ixx , special introductions to the separate works, and 25 pages of good notes. SluSgenwfylte Sftooellen. Contains 9 of Arnim's short stories. A work in every way monumental.
Edited in book form by Fridrich Pfaff, Freiburg and Tubingen, The most convenient place to study the official organ of the Heidelberg School. The work is sup- plied with an introduction of 96 pages. Merte and C. Specht, 2 volumes, Wies- baden, A valuable work. By Ferdinand Rieser, Dortmund, Muller, Hamburg, Edited with an introduction by J. Minor, Stutt- gart, An excellent study for the biographical material in this novel. By Walther Bottermann, Gottingen, By Friedrich Schulze, Leipzig, By Friedrich Schonemann, Leipzig, Bibliography, pages xiv-xv.
First three volumes. Really the first German novel of importance taken from Germany's remote past. Incomplete, pp. Con- tains, as do all of Arnim's works, scattered lyrics. The one poet of the Romantic School of Italian parent- age, he is in many ways connected with the literary lights of his day. Brentano's mother died in , his father in , leaving the naturally untractable child to be brought up by an embittered aunt, Luise von Mohn. He lived an extremely irregular life. He married Sofie Schubert, the divorcee of ProfessorMereau. She died in , and in he married Auguste Busmann, from whom he was soon divorced.
Later in life he fell in love, in Berlin, with a Protestant, Luise Hensel, who jilted him. On February 2, , he went, for the first time since childhood, to the priest to confess, and lived a different life from then on. From to he lived in Ditlmen, observing and writing down the remarks of an erratic nun, Katharine Emmerich.
During the last eighteen years of life he gave up poetry entirely and devoted himself to Catholicism. He died at Aschaffenburg, July 28, He was fantastic, visionary, unstable, sipated, with all his talents. He is one of those unfortunate poets whose life one tries to forget while reading his works. Nine volumes in 5 parts, Berlin, Edited by Guido Gorres, Stutt- gart, Siemens Srentano ; ein Se6en6ilb. Johannes Baptista Diel, S.
An unwieldy book of pages. Edited by Anselm Ruest, Berlin, By Alfred Kerr, Berlin, By Hermann Cardauns, Koln, By Otto Bleich, Braunschweig, Heilbronn, In " Deutsche Literatur- Denkmale des Jahrhunderts," Vol. Edited by Max Morris, Berlin, A very thorough study. Valeria; ober SSaterlift. Edited by Reinhold Steig, Berlin, The stage version of " Ponce de Leon. By Gustav Roethe, Berlin, Rieks, Leipzig, S a iQauS ber S3rentano. Miiller von Kbnigswinter. A novel with Clemens Brentano as hero, Includes many poems.
Socfel, infel unb acfeleia, story, pp. Menehould, in Champagne. Came of an old aristocratic French family that was obliged to leave France because of the Revolution His oldest known ancestor, Gerard de Chamissot, is mentioned in a document of Quiet and obedient as a boy, fond of reading, not very happy. Made a page at the Court of Queen Friederike Luise, received instruction in French at the French gymnasium, became March 31, ensign in the regiment von Gotze, then lieutenant January 24, Family returned to France, he himself was there on leave in Studied, while yet undecided, Voltaire, Diderot and especially Rousseau.
Read Shakespeare in the translation of Eschenburg. Obliged to enter into active military service in , received a furlough after the capitula- tion of Hameln cf. Returned to Germany, was with Fouque at Nennhausen, with Varnhagen at Hamburg ; then in Berlin, where he received his honorable discharge from the army and again thought of studying. Had a love affair with a widow, Ceres Duvernay, that came to an end in Received a call to France as a professor, went, found the position filled ; returned to Germany and on his way spent some time at Coppet with Madame de Stael and A.
Came then to Berlin and began the serious study of natural science. Married Antome Piaste and became the father of seven children. Visited France and received indemnity for the paternal property that had been destroyed. Joined the " Mittwochsgesellschaft " in Berlin, became coeditor with Schwab, and cotranslator with Gaudy of Beranger. Health failed after , wife died in Began to write while quite young. Early poems show but slight influence of Romanticism ; they are plastic and modern, not moodful and Mediaeval. Wrote but little from to Full of contrasts : French by birth, German by temperament.
United Gallic clarity and Teutonic humor in his works. Said he was always the opposite of his immediate companions : a Protestant among Catholics, a Catholic among Protestants. A wholesome, manly character. Editor, translator, scientist, soldier, an uncommonly likable man. A Romanticist in his day, a Realist in the making. Made the tefza rima popular in Germany. Died at Berlin, August 21, Edited by Max Koch, 4 volumes, no year Cotta , Stuttgart. Volume i contains biographical sketch, pages Convenient place to study Chamisso. Edited by Oskar F. Walzel, D. Biographical introduction, pages i-cxxii.
Contains poems, trans- lations and " Schlemihl. Edited by Max Sydow, Berlin, Two vol- umes, 5 parts. Introduction of pages Seben itnb SBerfe and sep- arate introductions. Most convenient place to read Chamisso. Adelbert de Chamisso de Boncourt. By Xavier Brun, Lyon, pp. In French. The most elaborate study of Chamisso. By Karl Fulda, Leipzig, Chamisso: Life; Poems; Faust; Schlemihl. By Eugene Oswald, London, In Publications of English Goethe Society.
Ernst, Hamburg, Chamisso, pages 27 to By Dr. His account of the Spanish Golden Age, although mythologically underpinned, was not intended to glorify it uncritically, but rather to explain how a high culture came about. The same could be said of his account of the age of Elizabeth.
Even so, he did leave the impression that nothing of substance had happened in the cultural life and on the stage in both countries since these high moments in their history. Adam Mickiewicz was to learn this in when he called in on Schlegel in Bonn on his way from Weimar. It had been one of the few high points in an otherwise fruitless journey. It was from here that he made those various appeals to August Wilhelm to return to Germany, to the Rhine, to Bavaria, to Vienna as secretary of some Academy of Sciences not yet in being.
All was not as well as it seemed. Dorothea did not join Friedrich for the whole time, and then their quarters were unsatisfactory. In and she was an entire year in Italy keeping a solicitous eye on the artistic development of her sons Johannes and Philipp Veit when not at Mass or otherwise piously engaged. Already in he was asking Schleiermacher if he would not like to contribute to a periodical, perhaps setting out a Protestant view of things. It had been written when Friedrich was finally recalled from Frankfurt and had at last visited Italy in in the suite of Prince Metternich himself.
Friedrich expected imminently to be recalled to Austria this did not happen until much later in the year , so time was of the essence. There was so much to catch up on; August Wilhelm had been sent the prospectus of Concordia , 78 so he knew where his brother stood on the religious and political issues which that periodical would raise. The Congress of Princes had been announced, to take place in Aachen: there might be notabilities to meet in the vicinity.
In Nassau Bad Ems it was Baron Stein: political events had overtaken all of them since St Petersburg and Paris, and Stein was no friend of the current political reaction. In Bonn, which August Wilhelm now saw for the first time, they met his future colleague, Ernst Moritz Arndt, whose views on Schlegel had changed but little since they had seen each other in St Petersburg less than two years later, he would be another victim of Prussian reaction. The down-river journey ended in Cologne, the town that had missed out to Bonn for the choice of the new Rhenish university.
The Congress of Princes was now to be in Coblenz September : it was imperative that August Wilhelm go there in person. This he did, accompanied by his teenage brother-in-law, Wilhelm Paulus. In Coblenz, he met Hardenberg and his secretary David Ferdinand Koreff and proceeded to Bonn to find the house in the Sandkaule in which he was to remain until his death. He also made arrangements with Fanny Randall for his library to be transferred from Coppet to Bonn. Although himself facing outlays for house and travel, August Wilhelm made a loan to Friedrich of up to florins to see him safely re-installed in Vienna: 81 it was this advance that was to cause such vexation ten years later when August Wilhelm requested its repayment.
It was no doubt these factors that led Metternich to tolerate this journal, for he might justifiably have believed that the settlements of the Congresses of Vienna were beginning to unravel. It was different in Prussia, as August Wilhelm was learning in unrevolutionary Bonn. It could not be published in Prussia, 87 and its author only just escaped arrest and spent the next eight years in exile in Strasbourg. Every instinct ought to have told him that he was embarking on something unadvised, unwise, foolish.
But perhaps that is merely wisdom after the event. He saw no reason why at the age of nearly 51 he should not marry and start a family. He wanted what his colleagues-to-be in Bonn had, Arndt, Niebuhr, Windischmann: a household presided over by a capable wife, and full of children. And why not? He knew no physical reasons why this should not happen, and he was never short of romantic gallantries. True, there was an age-gap: Sophie was just short of her twenty-eighth birthday when they married, but the nineteenth century was very matter- of-fact about such unions.
In at Carlsbad none other than Goethe aged nearly 74 was paying assiduous court to a nineteen-year-old and even asking for her hand. Goethe is forgiven this act of silliness because her rejection produced some of his most moving late poetry. In the tradition of European comedy, where old men with young wives are a stock burlesque motif, he was instead to be the butt of ridicule.
The theologian Friedrich Eberhard Gottlob Paulus and his wife Caroline had been friendly with the whole Romantic circle during his days as a professor in Jena; it had even been rumoured that Schlegel had flirted with Caroline she wrote novels under the pseudonym of Eleutheria Holberg. Certainly the Paulus house in Jena had been the first to welcome Friedrich and Dorothea, and the friendship had lasted.
It was he who had been responsible for his fellow-Swabian Hegel coming to this university before his translation to Berlin. They also knew Jean Paul, and it was perhaps unfortunate that the celebrated novelist especially among his female readers was in Heidelberg at exactly the same time as Schlegel. His review of Corinne had been faint praise. It found questionable the assertion that German poetry owed so much of its worth to its openness to other literatures.
Schlegel was also to have one, but it was feared it might be mistaken for a homage to another guest, the heir to the deposed king of Sweden. It was better to avoid a diplomatic incident. For Jean Paul, although long married, was nevertheless not averse to a little flirtation—as here with both the Paulus mother and daughter—that bordered on the amorous and sometimes even crossed that threshold.
Now Schlegel of all people was about to snatch Sophie from under his nose. But for the moment all was well. All as yet seemed fine. Yet things soon took a turn for the worse. Writing on 10 January to the lawyer Jacob Lambertz in Bonn, Schlegel set out what he believed to be the course of events. He had agreed with the Prussian authorities to go to Bonn, instead of Berlin as originally mooted, in order for his new wife to be nearer her parents in Heidelberg and to spare her the rigours of the Berlin climate.
Thus the decision to go to the new Rhenish university had been taken very largely on her account, and her parents had never raised any objection to their proposed removal to Bonn. The letters that they exchanged had been affectionate. Sophie then contracted measles. They returned to Heidelberg; on 1 November he had to leave for Bonn, to set up house for the two of them.
Sophie shed tears when he went. It was clear that Sophie was not going to join him in Bonn. Paulus stepped in and took over the correspondence. There were no more letters from Sophie, and nobody seems to have consulted her further on what was to be her fate. And now at last you wish to insist on rights, seek, like the rattlesnake charms its prey by its gaze alone, in hinting at claims to bring the deceived one into your presence and your clutches, whereas I have come to the conviction that you wished to make the purest, noblest and most simple- hearted of creatures an object of the most impotent debauchery and that you, depite all your clever talk of good health beyond your years, are, with all your stimulants, incapable of anything else.
Fie and for shame at your abominations. Were you to flee to the Indus, what abhorrence, what judgment of depravity would not pursue you from all of Germany and half of Europe, where you are so proud of your celebrity […] Friedrich, hopeless in financial and other matters, nevertheless had more savoir-vivre than his older brother. It would need time to heal any wrongs, not mere expressions of affection.
Friedrich also wrote to both mother and daughter. It was at this stage that Schlegel turned to Lambertz.
Eichendorff, Joseph, Freiherr von, 1788-1857 -- Travel
Perhaps it was none of these things. We shall never know. The parents had achieved what they clearly wanted all along: they did not lose their daughter. It served to confirm all the unpleasant things that people claimed to know about Schlegel, his insufferable vanity, his pedantry, his superior tone. According to Jean Paul not a disinterested witness , Sophie had no hatred in her heart for Schlegel, only contempt.
Paulus wanted Schlegel to agree to a voluntary separation, with appropriate financial compensation. Lambertz informed Paulus that he might have to read out his letters in court. Did he really wish to subject his daughter to that? The result was that Schlegel was never legally separated from his wife and that the Paulus family never pressed a claim on his estate. Schlegel refused to have the matter settled, although advised by Lambertz to do so. Her father believed she should. There was much to ponder in her words. With a deep sense of inner distress but also of the resignation that he had learned to practise over the years, Schlegel wrote to his superior Altenstein that he was despite all willing to remain in Bonn in the hope of adding to the lustre of this new university.
In a letter to Koreff he stressed the need to forget the rumours and allegations and put the affair behind him. Should the parents have thought again? Should others have warned him? These are imponderables. As it was, Sophie and Schlegel lived apart for over twenty- five years, she in the enveloping bosom of her parents, he searching hard for other fulfilments of his affections and essentially finding none. The view of that flourishing Prussian town, and rising university, was very pleasing.
The town-gate is handsome, the streets lively. If Bonn be inferior to Carlsruhe in beauty, it possesses commercial activity, one of the moral embellishments of a town. Groups of students, sauntering through the streets, or gazing from the windows, diminishes nought from the sprightliness of Bonn. In the Castle is a gallery of casts, for the use of young artists.
Several specimens are copied from pieces in the Louvre, and in the Elgin collection. The College Park, or Court Garden, forms a handsome promenade, communicating by a chestnut-alley with Poppelsdorf, which is situated at the foot of the Kreuzberg, and contains a castle and garden. From the Alte Zoll , a bastion at one end of the park, there is an admirable view of the Rhine, with the Seven Mountains rising dim in the distance, and the hills about Poppelsdorf.
The Town-house, which is modern, stands in the market-place. I had to apply to him for admission to an interesting collection of antiques, not yet arranged for public exhibition. We have to trace the course that led Schlegel to come to Bonn in and become the local celebrity described by an Irish visitor in There had been the short revolutionary interlude from to when they were French.
Cologne, with the hulk of its unfinished Gothic cathedral, had become the symbol of German past greatness and the need for its revival. Gestures of benevolence were the order of the day. Conscious that the Revolution and its aftermath had swept away the old Rhenish universities, King Frederick William III of Prussia had in the same proclamation promised the Rhineland a university of its own.
During the Napoleonic years—despite their being also the times of the Stein- Hardenberg reforms in Prussia—the universities had suffered badly. Some ancient academies, like Cologne or Mainz, had simply not survived the upheaval, while the medieval University of Heidelberg had emerged effectively as a new institution. After a sustained campaign for its creation, the Prussian education reforms had seen the foundation of Berlin University in , with Breslau in to satisfy the needs of the province of Silesia.
The Rhine provinces were a different proposition. There were several serious contenders; a perceived need too to provide a western university in the gap that extended from the Low Countries to the nearest academies, Heidelberg and Freiburg in the south. Paderborn and Duisburg could be safely discounted, leaving Cologne and Bonn in the running.
Cologne, founded in , might seem to have the edge, especially as a centre of Roman and medieval antiquities. The crucial decisions that would affect Schlegel had been taken by the Prussian state chancellor, Prince. Wilhelm von Humboldt also asserted that it was his idea. Whichever way, it was clear that the authorities in Berlin wanted Schlegel. Writing on 17 December, to his friend and colleague Guillaume Favre in Geneva, Schlegel could tell him that he had received a flattering offer of a chair at the University of Berlin. His espoused hope had been the life of private scholar, now in Coppet, now in Geneva, but here was an approach in which he was being asked to state his own terms.
His Indian studies would not be neglected either; on the contrary, he could take steps to have a Sanskrit typeface created and could travel to Paris or London if necessary. His Berlin and Vienna Lectures would have suggested themselves, although they were not strictly academic in form or conception. Would Schlegel perhaps consider a year or two at the new University of Bonn? His chair would of course remain linked to Berlin, but his presence on the Rhine would give the new institution some early resplendence.
Schlegel was not taken with the idea, citing the advantages, academic and cultural, of the capital city. After the Rhine journey in the early summer of , however, where he saw the new university town for the first time, and, crucially, met the governor of the Rhine province, Count Friedrich zu Solms-Laubach, he seemed not averse to sharing his energies between Berlin and Bonn. The appointment memorandum signed on 20 July indicated this. It suited the thinking, briefly entertained at the time, that Berlin would be the central academic institution in Prussia, surrounded by a group of satellites.
The reason for this was Sophie Paulus and his forthcoming marriage, the need to soften the blow of her separation from her parents and the wish to protect her delicate frame from the rigours of the Berlin climate. Koreff and Hardenberg thereupon gave up all hope of securing Schlegel for Berlin, although his appointment to Bonn was not finally ratified until Bonn had as yet no library to speak of, but he was having his own books sent from Coppet. The small number of students that a new university could command would mean a reduced income from their fees. But Bonn, in attracting scholars like Schlegel, could stand comparison with Berlin and its luminaries, such as Schleiermacher or Hegel, Savigny or Raumer.
True, the writings of professors were not subject to censorship; in Bonn, on the other hand, they were required each semester to give one public and free lecture of at least two hours per week. By this he meant the disastrous marriage. For gossip-mongers and critics during his lifetime and writers of memoirs after his death found it a convenient stick with which to beat him while living and to strike him when dead. His reaction is typical of the stoical acceptance of things as they were that we find in the letters to the few genuine confidants left to him in later life.
For if indeed Schlegel at his worst was carping, captious, snide—and his vanity proverbial—at his best he was generous and altruistic: one does well to steer a middle course. Frontispiece issued At first, Schlegel was sufficiently close to Windischmann to write a poem for the wedding of one of his daughters, but the relationship cooled when August Wilhelm began his attacks on Friedrich. Of his Bonn colleagues, Schlegel was perhaps closest to the classics scholar Friedrich Gottlieb Welcker, who was also for a time in political trouble. And if one wanted excursions, there were romantic hills and promontories within easy reach.
The Cambridge History of German Literature.pdf
Everybody knew each other, nothing went unnoticed. Would for instance anyone there have stopped to look, as they did in Bonn, when he overbalanced while admiring a pretty face? Would the relative opulence of his establishment in Sandkaule have been otherwise noteworthy? He would play his part in improving the town and its amenities.
It was essentially here that his Sanskrit studies, which brought him new eminence, were to be carried out. Each could be seen as a statement of intent on behalf of Bonn and its university. The ancient coins, but also the stained glass, the paintings and the manuscripts including a Carolingian item all spoke for their retention in Bonn. In the event the university only purchased the coin collection. It underlined one of the key points that he was to make: the same standards as applied to the study of classical texts, as had motivated Heyne or Friedrich August Wolf, the same rigour in choosing versions, the same vigilance over manuscripts, the same acumen in determining meaning, must apply to the study of Sanskrit.
It was Heyne or Friedrich August Wolf in a different context. Now, in , he knew much more Sanskrit; he was acquainted with the manuscript situation, the textual and lexical position. He had assembled at considerable expense his own collection of texts and commentaries, making it at first unnecessary for the university library to duplicate it.
He would have to have a press made with devanagari type. He was duly appreciative of the work of Colebrooke, Wilkins and Carey, as indeed he must be, yet the British approach had of necessity to be defined by administration, law, and commerce. Even the great Sir William Jones, fine scholar as he was, a savant in his own right, had been a judge in British India.
But German universities could bring their particular, if not unique, skills to bear on this most ancient culture and language. Where else but in Germany, and in Bonn, would a general lecture on Indian antiquities and literature be on offer and who else could deliver it but Schlegel? The second part, alas, took them all back.
Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff - WikiVisually
It seemed that Schlegel imagined himself enjoying an academic idyll amid vineyards and boskiness, where he could put together the pieces of his existence, recently so rudely shattered. It was not to be. All this had caused consternation in Bonn. In Bonn, the Prussian authorities took steps to suppress any activity seen as inimical to the state. On 15 July, Friedrich Welcker, his brother, and Arndt received a visitation from the Prussian ministry of police, backed up by a battalion of infantry, had their rooms ransacked and their papers confiscated.
Welcker, an outspoken upholder of political rights, remained in office, but did not receive an explanation until and an acquittal until To their credit, the Bonn professors, Schlegel among them, protested against this flouting of due process. The Prussian ministry—Altenstein, Schulze, Koreff, even the state chancellor Hardenberg himself—were not going to let this academic prize slip from their grasp over a few mere inconveniences. To Schulze he set out his plans for Indian studies and the need for a visit to Paris, his intention of conducting etymological researches and then of publishing Sanskrit texts.
Knowing the man with whom he was dealing, Schlegel emphasized that Sanskrit had hitherto only been studied in Paris or London. He was not ignorant of the position of a professor in the educational organisation of the state or of the arrangement, the pact, between the state and its servants. He knew that academics, in the final analysis, could not say or do exactly as they pleased. Fichte in Jena all those years ago had exemplified this, and his case been compounded more recently by another Jena professor, Lorenz Oken, for whose dismissal the Carlsbad Decrees had been invoked.
Now, he was a public persona. He was one of the few professors with a noble title: it gave the university a certain cachet. His permanent appointment as a professor in was in one sense a mere formality, but it was also seen as a great honour. The exacting regimen dividing the day neatly into sections, noted in by George Ticknor, the strict separation of work and leisure, had been his method of accommodating both scholarly needs and social commitments. Yet his day, with its set course laid down, had echoes of a kind of Brahmanic ritual, not in any detail of course, and without any kind of religious foundation except the achievement of some kind of inner tranquillity; the desire, as he set it out in , to act as teacher, counsellor, a kind of secular priest of scholarship and learning.
His personal neatness and fastidiousness his frequent baths could therefore not be put down solely to vanity, but were part of the persona of the scholar-ascetic. He relied on her implicitly, and there developed between them a kind of affection, separated of course by status and natural deference. At her death, he mourned her like a member of his family.
She coped with the running of this huge house, the many visitors, the generous hospitality he extended. The letters they exchanged during his absences from Bonn form a kind of domestic counterbalance to the Broglie correspondence, behind which are similarly unseen persons who minister and wait. No wonder that Schlegel complained of eyesight problems not helped by consulting an incompetent oculist in Paris in or reading Sanskrit manuscripts in various states of legibility. The candles on the lectern when he lectured in the university were not, as Heine was maliciously to maintain, part of an elaborate ritual of self-promotion, but a simple aid to reading.
Image in the public domain. When the king visited Bonn in and astounded the local populace by making his advent in a steamboat, it was Schlegel who delivered the carmen. To Coleridge may go the honour just of the first poem about a steamship, and Turner may have exploited in more spectacular fashion the effects of smoke, sky and water, but Schlegel is surely the first and doubtless the last to have essayed it in Latin. It was to be enlivened with frescoes. He encouraged them to work according to the best authenticated images. Schlegel might go riding as rector he encouraged his hearers to do so , or go out in his carriage with Wehrden as coachman to take the air.
If it did not scale new heights in Bonn, it achieved a breadth and scope unattained elsewhere. True, he still enjoyed the rhetorical gesture to a larger audience and took an almost homiletical pleasure in the spoken word. Schlegel, similarly, took seriously his role as an academic teacher and mentor. In Jena, he had attempted too much and had extended himself too far; in Berlin, the grand schemes of art and literature had failed to cohere and were fragmented; in Vienna, the subdivision into Ancient and Modern was not without its forced character.
Nevertheless it is possible to discern links with his Bonn lectures—inasmuch as we have them, for of the over thirty sets of lectures given in various guises and permutations, only seven of his scripts have survived. He had enough material from Berlin and Vienna to lecture on Romance literatures, on German poetry likewise. The lectures on the fine arts had first been drafted in the early Berlin cycle, were partly published in Prometheus in , and were to form the basis of the only public series that he gave in later life outside of the university, those in Berlin in There are indications of adjustments or verbal qualifications that he made as he went along.
With the exception of those lectures on the fine arts they were not destined to have an immediate afterlife except in the minds and memories of his student hearers. Their exclusion from the standard edition of his works means that we as readers are deprived of a substantial part of his later intellectual output. A gentleman told me the other day to be sure and call on him as he would feel flattered by having an Englishman to attend his lectures, and he liked to hear himself talk English. Schlegel was first known by his critical writings and his lectures on Dramatic Literature.
Then appeared his great work, a translation of Shakespeare. He is now about 65 and occupies himself principally with oriental literature. His lecture today was interesting from the situation of the author. When a man gives us the history of literature he gives us in some measure the history of himself. His delivery is clear, distinct, melodious.
In hearing this purely literary lecture the students present the same earnestness and attention. They all take copious notes. The utmost silence prevails. No one enters after the lecture has commenced. When it terminates, they sit still until the Lecturer has left the Hall[…] Karl Windischmann in Bonn was an extreme example, being a professor in two faculties; but historians and philosophers lecturing on aesthetics or the history of literature were not uncommon, witness the cases elsewhere of Hegel, Gervinus or Hettner; Karl Lachmann in Berlin was a classical scholar who also edited German medieval texts.
It had also been one of the first instances of an association between a French and a German scholar on a subject in Romance literature, soon to be augmented by his close relationship with Claude-Charles Fauriel. The same happened when August Ferdinand Naeke died in and Schlegel reasserted his right to lecture on classics. His public lectures on Ancient History would enable him to draw on all the resources of language, history, geography, ethnography, and give a universal conspectus of human civilization.
Similarly, no other professor could command the range of competence and experience that went into his public cycle on Academic Study. And how many? From the early s, non-German students occur in his lists, mainly from England George Toynbee being but one. It was a deciding factor in the education of the two young Saxe-Coburg princes, Ernst and Albert. The classes on Sanskrit were private, but most of them also attended other lectures by him, above all his star pupil Christian Lassen from Bergen in Norway, his assistant, his colleague and then his successor.
Their letters express thanks and respect. That would be the formal side. But whether the lectures contain large sections of informative material, dilate for instance on the notion of aesthetics and the subdivisions of the art forms, or trace German poetry from its beginnings down to the present day, there is always the underlying theme of origins. Many people have had no history at all, at least not such as would deserve a place in universal history. Anyway, contributed nothing to the development of human capabilities.
Isolated position of several very civilized peoples. Only rare contacts between Europe and inner Asia. No contacts at all between Europe and the centre of Africa, with America, etc. Comparison of the history of the whole human race with a river with several arms, whose source and mouth are unknown. But main outlines are there. Statistics of all states, if that was possible]. Survey of oikumene [community of nations] according to our present geographical knowledge and general traits, the ethnographical task of universal history, to explain the present state of the human race by linking cause and effect and tracing down to the earliest beginnings.
The more recent can be solved by its being closer, but perhaps never completely. Inaugural lecture. What is and to what end do we study universal history? My view of it. Wrong about the age, in which he was caught up. Nescia mens hominum fati sortisque futurae [The mind of men ignorant of fate or future destiny]. He is also restating his Hemsterhuisian beginnings that informed his Berlin lectures on the same subject.
Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff
He is also acutely aware that art reflects the highest strivings in all areas of human endeavour; that as such the work of art cannot be seen in isolation from religion, customs, mythology, poetry, politics, mores , and style of living. It may have come to him through Herder or Hemsterhuis or Novalis.
While, says Schlegel, we do not know with any certainty where the Germanic peoples came from, we can adduce linguistic evidence to supply what is lacking in historical documentation. All of this gives historical authenticity and dignity to the Nibelungenlied , in a later form of Germanic, and invests it with the same venerability as the epic poetry of Persia and India. We will of course wish to show the development of religion through sacred writings, while aware that they contain no ultimate explanations: the biblical Flood, for instance, is for Schlegel but one account among many of a terrestrial catastrophe in deep time.
Instead, we will use the insights of Protestant hermeneutics and of philological criticism to illuminate religious and priestly record. There had been in plans to complete the circumnavigation that had been broken off in South America, now to take in India and Tibet the East India Company, however, was not letting a pronounced liberal like Humboldt into its territories. He may also have been slightly teasing Schlegel, knowing that the editor of the Indische Bibliothek was never going to concede any superiority over India, the cradle of all cultures, especially not from practitioners of human sacrifice.
Yet they agreed to differ over a number of crucial points. They agreed on the task of the historian, to present facts not a philosophy , but to do so creatively and with imagination. But they were to disagree publicly and radically on the role of translation, for Humboldt never more than a pis-aller , for Schlegel the gateway to alien cultures. From the very outset of my career as a writer I had made it my especial business to bring to light forgotten and unrecognized material.
In this way, I had to some extent exhausted European literature and turned to Asia to provide a new adventure. It was a good choice: for in the later years of life it is an amusing diversion to solve riddles; and here I need not worry about running out of material. Leaving aside the historical importance, the philosophical and poetical content, the very form of the language would draw me, which in comparison with its younger sisters provides such remarkable insights into the laws of language formation. Of course it is no such thing. He was also, as we saw, lecturing in Bonn on the widest spectrum of European, of world, literature.
He was as well reminding his German readers of the significant Portuguese presence in India, long before an Englishman had set foot there. By coincidence or not, it echoed much of what his friend Ludwig Tieck was also saying. Yet everything in the Divan touched on poetry: we read his Noten und Abhandlungen [Notes and Treatises] to the Divan because they contain the key to poetry. A vision of Persia came alive, a private world that drew on the Orient as it chose, playful, sometimes seriously playful, protean, taking notions and motifs that he found fruitful and attractive for poetic purposes; but always symbolic of a higher synthesis of man, nature, time and history, the individual and the universe.
For Schlegel, India had poetry; it did not immediately become it: others must bring it alive. India had formed part of the Romantic urges that had led to poetry, where mythology and translation, the transference of great poetry from one cultural sphere to another, were an enriching and enlivening force. They contained enough poetic potential for others to exploit creatively. But Schlegel could not accept all the premises of the Divan. He was not basically interested in Persian poetry; above all, the Persian language was for him essentially a derivative of Sanskrit.
Crucially, Persia, once the land and home of Zoroastrianism, had been subjected to Islamic conquest, and that was that. He could certainly identify with the status, spiritual depth, repose, and intellectual achievement that he perceived in Brahmanic culture, its commitment to peace, its absence of a priestly hierarchy or so Schlegel wished to believe. Entering into the world of the primeval language of Sanskrit, reading its great texts, also meant acquiring its lore: one needed to be familiar with its mythology, which deities were which and where their sway held, which aspects they bore, which legends had clustered round which.
It extended to architecture: the figures of Indian gods and goddesses permitted comparison with other ancient cultures, Egyptian or Aztec. It was not the only paradox or contradiction that he shared with Goethe. This is what made Schlegel different from Greek and Latin classical scholars and why he needed to move out and beyond them, while of course retaining the skills and insights that they had taught him. Unlike Classical Greece and Rome, India was still alive. Sanskrit was still present in India and was the undying expression of a civilization still in being.
This culture, as he saw it, compared with so many others, had been able to maintain its essential integrity, its timeless calm and serenity, the uninterrupted line of its mythology. The origins, that in the case of Greek and Latin needed to be traced through painstaking philological and archaeological processes, were for Sanskrit still there. Especially the German academic Indianist, so much better qualified than others to bring that civilization alive.
For it, too, had been subjected to incursions, challenges, conquests, from within, but especially from without. That Indian culture had withstood these, was surmounting them now and was adapting to foreign military and administrative rule, was also part of the narrative of India. There was no escaping the fact that European contact and conquest—for good or ill, and much of it was for ill—had made this world and its culture accessible. It was the dilemma faced by Schlegel himself, the younger brother of a Hanoverian officer in the service of the East India Company, or by Henry Colebrooke or Sir James Mackintosh, the proconsuls of a colonizing power, yet all involved intellectually in the cultural heritage that they were administering.
It formed the substance of those major articles in the Berliner Kalender. It explains his ambivalence to the East India Company as both boon and bugbear. His critique of Christian missionary zealotry and arrogance in India also fits very well his mood in the s and s, involving a much wider scrutiny of the phenomenon of religion itself, touched off by his brother Friedrich. Someone who had to examine the role of religion in his own life, as Schlegel did, was in a good position to consider its effects when, as with Christian missionary activity in India, it developed into fanaticism and assumed cultural supremacy.
These same essays also set Schlegel apart from academic Sankritists like Bopp or Lassen. They represent a voice addressed to a different audience, non-specialist, only generally informed and interested. Nature description promises directly applicable results, and it follows that the present and future preoccupy the owners of the land more pressingly than the remote past. Of course the more exact knowledge gained of India in respect of its physical characteristics and its present state must be of no inconsiderable benefit to the investigation of its prehistory. Schlegel, too, sought to give his readers a physical description, but as a European who had never been there and had no intention of ever doing so, he had recourse to its ultimate European counterpart in the Swiss Alps and the conventions of the sublime.
This is Schlegel at his most spirited, and we might wish for more. The engravers of the Berliner Kalender in had encountered the same problem. To illustrate an article on the topography of India, they produced a distinctly Swiss-like veduta of the sources of the Ganges, a temple and some turbaned figures supplying the oriental costume. They were integral to his whole existence; they represented the essential Schlegel. In that respect they cannot be divorced from the ups and downs of his private or academic life, although it is worth observing that more and more of his time and substance was being given up to these matters than to anything else.
What was needed was a new focus and status. His brother Friedrich had of course acted as a spur, but no more than that. August Wilhelm knew Sanskrit better and he edited texts that Friedrich had published in only partial or imperfect translations; nor would he follow Friedrich into philosophical speculation.
He could draw on his own recent preoccupations. Where the text did not exist in a reliable form or was present in variants only, it must be re-established in a definitive edition. The Nibelungenlied , allowing for differences, was to serve a similar function in an even wider national consciousness: the effort in collating and editing was in proportion to the status of the poetry itself. There was no concession to the non-expert. Readers had to know Sanskrit of course : Schlegel told Wilhelm von Humboldt that ten readers in Europe and Asia would suffice.
As he reminded his readers and interlocutors at every turn, the study of India encompassed the Sanskrit language and texts, but also philology and etymology, philosophy, theology, geography, astronomy, architecture. Above all language, without which the rest made little sense. But not everyone read Sanskrit, not everyone even read German. Had they been republished, these essays would have shown later readers a Schlegel not only setting out his encyclopedic knowledge of this fascinating area of human exploration and cultural transfer, but doing so in a highly readable fashion. The subject involved whatever Europeans—Greeks, Portuguese, Dutch, French, British not forgetting Arabs —had brought back from India through trade or conquest and how in so doing they had made known an ancient civilization and its manifestations.
All things considered, Schlegel is relatively lenient on the British political administration and its role in opening up the country both physically, through topographical survey and description, and culturally. His own brother Carl Schlegel had after all had his brief part in this process. Despite all the necessary deference, Schlegel was able to drop his guard with Humboldt and postulate, Romantic-style, a primeval language in deep time, a primordial event akin to the moment of creation itself, when language came into being in all of its original forms.
Human amnesia, neglect, confusion, had led to the loss of originary form and expression; but Sanskrit was the language least affected by these abrading processes. Title page issued in As is so often the case with Schlegel, it is difficult to pin down its significance to one single factor. First and foremost, however, it was the only journal that he edited on his own.
Then again conflicting priorities, as so often with him, became evident. It did sell copies, but it really was little more than an occasional miscellany. It could not escape the influence of the Asiatick Researches , published in Calcutta, nor could it shake off entirely the extreme eclecticism of those periodicals. It was also a one-man band, or almost, with Schlegel as editor-in-chief and main contributor.
By then oriental studies would stand on a much more secure footing than they did in , but even so there was no question of a journal devoted to India only. Schlegel did actually want to reach a wider educated audience, but then again he became increasingly disdainful of such a body, writing to Wilhelm von Humboldt that the Indische Bibliothek was not intended for entertainment. German, French and Latin were taken for granted, indeed the Indische Bibliothek was living proof, if any was needed, that German was a language of international academic and scholarly discourse and that one required it for the full spectrum of oriental studies.
It did no harm to remind Hardenberg in dedication and preface that the generosity of the Prussian state was not going to be expended on half measures.