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At the heart of this study is the relationship between politics, aesthetics, and spectacle during this volatile period. Fascism has been described as the incursion of the aesthetic into the realm of the sociopolitical. It offered up the illusion of social revolution, creating a total- izing and organic image of national community, while in reality leaving property relations intact. Chapter 1 maps the history of Franco-German relations after the Great War, from the Briand-Stresemann era and early attempts to unite Europe to the Nazi exploitation of the discourse of rapprochement.

Of particular significance is the critical role that governmental and independent cultural organizations played in the formation of diplomatic relations and foreign policy during this period. Once in power, Nazi leaders launched an extensive cultural and psychological campaign that prepared the ground for their military victory in It discusses specifically how the policy of rapprochement was reflected in the special treatment given to the Nazi organizers by the French government. Its iconography represented the Third Reich as the counterforce against the dehumanizing power of capitalism and the spreading threat of communism.

The juxtaposition of these stylistically regressive artworks with the most advanced examples of German machinery enabled the regime to market itself as both a technologically avant-garde nation and a people tied to their timeless, preindustrial roots.

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The analysis of the pavilion is followed by a discussion of its French reception in chapter 3. In my analy- sis, the conditions surrounding the reception of the pavilion are then related to the lack of critical studies produced in France concerning the aesthetics and cultural policies of the Third Reich. In addition to exhibits of Nazi art and technology, the German participation at the exposi- tion involved an extensive cinema program. The fourth chapter analyzes these films within the context of Franco-German coproductions, all of which by the s were being produced under the auspices of Nazi-controlled film companies.

The German films shown in Paris at the time of the fair were mostly love stories, musicals, historical dramas, and westerns—escapist entertainment intended to appeal to large numbers of spectators both within Germany and abroad. The Nazis were determined to create a cinema industry that would rival Hollywood, and they emulated American film genres that had proven success rates with mass audiences.

These narrative films were supposed to exemplify a superior class of production and served a different sort of propagandistic function; they were highly 6 :: 7 subsidized by the regime and were based on storylines that exalted Nazi ideology. Close readings of these works in chapter 4 analyze how Nazi filmmakers combined entertainment with the propagation of Nazi sociopolitical ideals.

French reviewers were impressed by the high production values of these films and generally suspended political judgment of them in order to extol their artistic merits. Chapter 5 examines the French fascination with the aesthetic qualities of Nazi mass spec- tacle. Many French writers considered these choreographed political gatherings to be innovative artistic expressions of the collective German will. The cinematic employment of mass ornament like- wise functioned as a signifier for an avant-garde mode of filmmaking. French fascist and non- conformist critics issued corresponding attacks on the Popular Front government for its lack of national pageantry, which they equated with political impotence and conflicted national identity.

Hitler is greater than Napoleon or Bismarck—as he himself claims—but he is certainly just as strong as M. Cecil B. It therefore expresses itself above all in works destined for the masses. This is why until now architecture has benefited the most under the new regime. However, it remains to be seen whether National Socialism has created a climate favorable to the creation of individual works, born from personalities of sufficient strength. Many of the cultural and political figures who promoted rapprochement through expanded cultural contact would emerge after as prominent figures in the Vichy regime and collaborationist circles in Paris.

Rather, my hope is that the dark subject of this book will make us that much more cognizant and appre- ciative of how valiant those rare individuals were who broke from the overwhelming forces of public opinion, fear, and prejudice in order to resist the brutal regime of the occupier. The man re- sponsible for downing their plane is Captain von Rauffenstein, commander of the lo- cal German squadron. The film depicts no military action; we see only Rauffenstein awaiting the arrival of the French officers while a Viennese waltz plays on a gramo- phone in the background. In anticipation of company, Rauffenstein orders one of his men to mix up a celebratory champagne fruit punch.

The civility of the encounter leaves us confused as to whether these French men are prisoners or merely houseguests. The Germans are consistently depicted as reluctant captors, just as fed up with the war as are their French counterparts. Waiting outside the cell, the old soldier smiles upon hearing the French- man play a song. While film historians have generally agreed that the principal theme of the film is pacifist international- ism and human compassion overcoming the barriers of nation and language, it is interesting that the film does not demonstrate such a closeness between any other nationalities—the Rus- sians and British are kept quite apart from the emotional intensity of the Franco-German rela- tionships.

Indeed, one senses an antagonism on the part of the French prisoners toward their English allies, as several film historians have noted. The thought of them now turns my stomach: it is perhaps because I took part in them that I so detest them. These things form a bond. The fact that we had been on opposite sides was the merest detail.

Indeed, as I come to think of it, it was even better—a further instance of my theory of the division of the world by horizontal frontiers, and not into compartments enclosed in vertical frontiers. This was a large constituency, given that nearly half the men in France had served in the war. They made up one-quarter of the electorate in the s still a time when only men were allowed to vote , and a profound pacifism would become their defining characteristic.

Indeed their repudiation of war was not difficult to understand: more than 1. In Verdun, one thousand soldiers had died per square meter. Figure 3. Half of the 6. Ten departments in the north and east had been ravaged, with railways, roads, factories, and farms destroyed or badly damaged. More than one thousand towns and villages had been razed and more than two thousand others virtually demolished: for exam- ple, of the 18, inhabitants of Soissons before the war, only remained; Reims was left with 17, out of , residents. The First World War had a long-term demographic impact as well: by , between the war casualties and falling birth rates, France would end up with only half the normal number of nineteen- to twenty-one- year-olds.

This would lead to a severe lack of manpower as well as anxiety about the possibility of enlisting sufficient recruits if another war were to break out. In a period of extreme internal po- litical conflict—civil war was considered a possibility, especially after the outbreak in Spain— pacifism was oddly one of the few things shared by the Left and Right. On the Left, a distaste for the French nationalism of the past was replaced with the utopian vision of an international pacifist movement.

A cascade of financial and political scandals further undermined public confidence in their political leaders. The result was a perilous instability: between and France witnessed the formation and collapse of fourteen different governments. The internal jockey- ing for power overrode any sustained consideration of how to handle external affairs in an effective manner. Not even the Popular Front leaders questioned the belief that antifascism and pacifism could somehow be reconciled, though Blum did finally initiate a rearmament program in When the Popular Front government fell, pacifist sentiments throughout the country became even more fervent.

For example, Simone Weil, a well-known pacifist and intel- lectual who was active in the worker strikes of , wrote on several occasions that if forced 12 :: 13 to make the choice, she would prefer German domination to a European war, even if it meant the oppression of communists and Jews. One can quite well conceive that nothing essential would be affected. It thus alerted the public to German expansionism, but the society as a whole failed to acknowledge the real threat to France. Burrin notes that Nazi Germany aroused more interest among the French than the Weimar Republic ever had.

Whereas in the s fewer than 30, French people visited Germany every year, more than , visited in , with this number falling only slightly in Despite the fact that the treaty violated a previous one between France and the Czechs, it nevertheless won massive support in the French Par- liament. The film offered them an alternative, kinder vision of their German neighbors. Rauffenstein later berates himself for fatally wounding his friend, asks for his forgiveness, and explains that he had intended only to shoot his leg.

As admirable as the concept of a moral war might be, it is a complete fallacy. France did its best to avoid any real action, engaging only briefly in fighting in the Saarland. In the fall of that year, La grande illusion was banned by the military authorities for its pacifism and for promoting friendship with the enemy.

But these were futile gestures; the opportunity for France to prepare adequately for war had passed. Some groups did con- tinue their attacks on Hitler, notably members of the French Communist Party, though news of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact of August had thrown the party into total disarray. The Germans entered Paris on June 14 and declared victory on June Following his rise to power, Hitler and his cohorts began laying the military and psychological groundwork for the victory that would come in They waged an intensive seven-year cultural campaign to convince the French that Germany shared their desire for a lasting peace in Europe.

The Nazis devoted significant resources to this cultural enterprise because they understood its future dividends in military terms: Germany could buy more time for its rearmament efforts and also ensure that France would choose not to intervene in its expansionist plans eastward. The Third Reich did not invent the idea of a Franco-German entente—rather, it built on the long history of rapprochement negotiations initiated in the s following World War I. While each country had had its own agenda and national interests in mind, these earlier efforts at securing a lasting peace had been made in good faith and had resulted in several significant treaties.

Hitler never had any intention of upholding these treaties; his interest in exploiting the discourse of peace was only an intermediary step toward the future domination of France and the rest of Europe. Nevertheless, his leadership successfully appropriated the language of this previous era, a language that still had currency with the French public. The success of the Nazi campaign is surprising when one considers how far from reality the French needed to stray in order to believe German pacifist propaganda.

Hitler saw France not only as a military threat but as a racial one as well. When unauthorized French translations did appear, a French court ordered them destroyed. Only abridged ver- sions were available afterward. France chose instead to listen to a different Ger- man voice, one that offered the mirage of peace.

Hitler used this polycratic organizational strategy in many other areas of government as well because it undermined traditional codes of institutional conduct, leaving him as the supreme authority in the com- peting hierarchies. His diplomatic voice offered the illusion of continuity with the Revisionspolitik of the previous decade, which sought to eradicate the injustices of the Versailles Treaty while creat- ing diplomatic bridges to guarantee European peace.

They involved some of the most notable leaders and intellectuals of the two countries as well as ordinary citizens. This intense cultural propaganda produced a complex and often baffling landscape of contradictions: aggressive military and political maneuvers taking place on the one hand, and displays of brotherly love and artistic accomplishment be- ing staged on the other. Though the Third Reich initiated much of the cultural contact and many of the gestures of friendship between the two countries, the strength of pacifist emotion in France meant that the wave of rapprochement would gain a momentum of its own.

While some may dismiss the cultural contact between France and Germany as relatively insignificant in relation to the more serious world of politics, I would argue that the cultural discourse significantly influenced not only the general mass psychology of France but gov- ernment foreign policy decisions as well. It quickly became evident, however, that the endgame had finally materialized: the declara- tion of war was forced upon them. Nonetheless, the Franco-German cultural initiatives begun in had helped keep the fantasy afloat for nearly the entire decade.

Yet in order to fully understand how the discourse of rapprochement developed in the s, we must briefly return to the moment when a Franco-German rapprochement was first initiated, in the early s. Dur- ing this time foreign ministers Aristide Briand and Gustav Stresemann embarked on a diplo- matic campaign to bring France and Germany into a more stable entente. As I have already mentioned, it was on the foundation of this history and its resulting Franco-German cultural network that the Nazis built their own deceitful campaign.

Much of the treaty had been gutted by a series of disappointing agreements with the United States and Britain, and France was not convinced that its political alliances with the countries of Eastern Europe would function as a real counterweight to Germany particularly after the signing of the German-Polish pact. In the absence of any Anglo-American guarantee, and faced with an economically resurgent Germany, the French government began to seek security through more conciliatory, diplomatic negotiations with its former enemy.

This era in French diplomatic history was dominated by the eloquent politician Aris- tide Briand, foreign minister of France from to Briand believed that the only way to truly contain Germany was to integrate it fully into the economic and political life of the European community. He developed a productive working relationship with his Ger- man counterpart, Gustav Stresemann, who served as foreign minister from until his death in These two statesmen worked together on several agreements that would bring the two countries into greater political and economic cooperation.

Secretary of State Frank Kellogg, and delegates from several other countries, the multilateral treaty declared a shared opposition to war but established no real political provisions to make sure it was avoided. That same year, with nationalism on the rise, the NS- DAP posted an enormous gain at the polls, becoming the second largest party in the Reich- stag.

At the Conference of Lausanne, with the German government now under Franz von Papen, reparations were drastically reduced and replaced by a bond issuance. By this time, the French and German foreign ministries had come to understand the importance of influencing public opinion abroad through cultural and educational projects and had be- gun setting up offices for this purpose. It also took on such projects as establishing chairs in French literature at universities in Finland, Poland, Bulgaria, and other countries. The importance placed on disseminating cultural capi- tal abroad was clear in the annual expenditures: whereas the French budget devoted to these endeavors was around , francs in , by it was up to almost 28 million, and by to nearly 67 million.

According to ministry documents, the reason that spending was being increased for cultural propaganda at a time when budgets for other government departments including the military were being cut was fear concerning the rapid expansion of German cultural activity abroad.

Although the Reich cannot find a single pfennig to spend on repairing the devastated regions of France that it destroyed, it is finding millions and millions of marks. The Nazi regime replaced 20 :: 21 the director of this office with Karl Epting in Epting remained in this position until , after which he became director of the prominent Deutsches Institut or Institut alle- mand during the occupation from to Epting started the Center for Information and Documentation on the New Germany, which provided the French public with an extensive library of Nazi books, newspapers, and magazines.

Epting also offered musical concerts and, beginning in , German language courses. He would regularly bypass the DAAD hierarchy entirely and address his business directly to the ministry. Unlike the DAAD, the DFG had not originated in the s as a government initiative but was organized by cultural leaders interested in furthering a Franco-German rapprochement. Nevertheless, after it functioned much like a government propaganda organization. Since its membership cut across the upper ech- elons of French political and cultural life, the influence of the group was widespread and had significant impact on the direction of French politics and public opinion.

Grautoff and his colleagues The Cultural Politics of believed that by promoting cultural understanding between the peoples of France and Ger- Rapprochement many they could help establish an authentic peace in Europe. Beginning in , the Sohlberg Circle organized meetings that brought together French and German youth groups to socialize and discuss various social and political issues. Young people were drawn to these meetings by the promise of peace and by their desire to distinguish their generation from that of Verdun, which had been responsible for so much destruction.

After , Abetz continued to organize these youth meetings, though now he worked in the service of the Hitler Youth. Nazi officials were pleased with the results of these organized meetings, since important French delegates came away with positive impressions of the new Reich. In these images, French and German youth engage in rituals of rapprochement on the snowy slopes and stage impromptu skits over wine and cheese figs.

Large Nazi and French flags serve as the backdrop for the performance, which takes place in a cozy mountain cabin. The humor makes the comingling of youth, swastika, and tricolore seem earnest and unthreatening. Figure 5. French and German members of the youth group Jeune Europe at a ski camp in Bavaria during a week-long meeting in the winter of Figure 6. French and German youth put on a stage show during their joint ski trip in Bavaria during the winter of Photo: Roger Schall, Paris.

In addition to the youth meetings, Abetz was responsible for a series of successful encoun- ters between the older generations of French and German veterans from World War I. The 24 :: 25 rapprochement between these groups was extremely important in tempering the political cli- mate of the period. In France, the anciens combattants carried significant political clout as war heroes; their national loyalty and patriotism could not be questioned.

Hitler understood the depth of their influence, and Nazi officials worked hard to win over this large constituency. Georges Scapini, a war veteran and deputy from Paris, also had a highly publicized meeting with Hitler. Torchlight marches and a solemn joint oath of peace marked the culmination of the event. As he recounts in his memoirs, the anciens combattants were well represented among the members of the CFA and also filled many of the leadership posi- tions: Georges Scapini would become president; Henri Pichot and Jean Goy would serve as secretary generals; Baron Achim von Arnim, a decorated war hero, would become president of the DFG; and Hans Oberlindober, head of the German Association of War Veterans, was vice president.

The veterans were responsible for engaging high-profile political leaders in the activities of the CFA and for expanding the scope of the organization to engage a wider public.

This was not an unintended result but a deliberate strategy. The CFA managed its public relations closely. His collaboration with Fernand de Brinon, who would become vice president of the CFA, proved to be particularly fruitful. As men- tioned above, de Brinon was the first French journalist granted an interview with Hitler in November In this interview, which was published in Le Matin, Hitler announced his desire for an entente with France. Whereas past German leaders had failed to establish peace, Hitler claimed he would succeed because he had the full support of the German people.

The appointment of Laval pleased Berlin because he did not favor, as Barthou had, a French alliance with the Soviet Union, instead preferring rapprochement with Germany. While the contributors to its cultural projects came from diverse academic fields, one can discern common threads in their arguments. Many of their ideas appear to be aligned more with the ideological wing of the party, as defined by Alfred Rosenberg, than with the propa- ganda eminating from Goebbels at its political center.

They offered what might be termed a reactionary form of European identity politics, asserting that Euro- pean peace depended upon acknowledgment of and respect for the differences between na- tions. Prominent writers for the journal strongly rejected the cosmopolitanism of a European Union, arguing that a people could learn to understand and respect the culture of another only once they had reaffirmed their own cultural heritage and specificity.

Though differences between the two political revolts were noted, the overall purpose was to legitimize the Nazi takeover of power by placing it symbolically in the same category as the French Revolution. This was not unusual for the Cahiers; it published many anti-Semitic articles justifying Nazi racial policy throughout its run in the s. DFG members further defended Nazi policies by emphasizing that Germany was not a co- lonial power and, unlike France and England, was not imposing an imperialist form of author- ity on another culture.

The fact that Germany continued to protest the seizure of its colonies under the Versailles Treaty was conveniently omitted. Defending these aggressive acts, the DFG explained that the Reich was not forcing itself as an imperialist power on a sovereign nation but rather was liberating German nationals from an oppressive regime. According to Friedrich Grimm in the September issue of the Cahiers, Germans had lived as second-class citizens in Czechoslovakia; the Sudetenland region suffered the highest unemployment rate in the country, its roads were left in disrepair, and German busi- nesses were boycotted.

DFG leaders also asserted that the future of world peace depended on a strong Germany to ensure that a reliable system of checks and balances existed both ideologically and geo- politically. As one writer explained, German and Latin cultures were not contradictory but complementary and should work together in a dialectical manner. Though the articles in each issue covered a wide range of topics, including literature, art, folksongs, and agricultural policy, they inevitably concluded with a call for Franco-Ger- man cooperation.

Cultural exchange was put forth as the most effective means of achieving a lasting peace between the two peoples. Intellectuals and artists were assigned the role of build- ing cross-cultural understanding while maintaining respect for differences. The importance of sharing knowledge and culture across borders was literalized in a photograph included in the January issue, which depicts the interlibrary loan office of the National Library in Berlin fig.

Accompanying this image are others depicting the facades of the French and German national libraries and Figure 7. The interlibrary loan office of the National Library in Berlin. For the most part, the photographs did not illustrate the articles but addressed their own subject matter with occasional exceptions, as noted above.

The style of the photos remains remarkably consistent throughout the s: all the French images were shot by Roger Schall of Paris, and the German images were taken by several different photogra- phers, but they all conformed to the static quality preferred by the editors. In 30 :: 31 this manner, the photoessays reinforced the two-pronged, paradoxical message of the DFG: French and German cultures were clearly separate and needed to be respected as such; these cultures deeply resonated with each other and needed to recognize their mutual dependen- cy. Simple captions introduced the themes, which for the most part focused on historic and vernacular architecture and rural life: Gothic cathedrals in Braunschweig and Rouen, snow- capped mountains in Bavaria and Mont Blanc, French and German farmers in the fields.

Na- tional identity is inscribed in the most seemingly benign terms, such as smiling peasant women with baskets of grapes juxtaposed to idyllic landscapes suitable for any tourist brochure figs. All references to modern life in these rural-themed essays, including contemporary farming methods of the period, were deliberately avoided. Instead, the DFG presented sober images of horse-drawn plows, farmers with hand scythes, and leather-skinned artisans at work figs.

Women in Provence in Figure 8. Grape harvest in Germany. Photo: Hans Retlaff. Grape harvest in France. As Romy Golan convincingly documents, the visual arts in France underwent a deep Allemands, October Emblematic depictions of French peasants were also common in interwar French paint- Private collection. This scene of dignified repose is significantly distanced from the chateau, the residence of the real beneficiaries of their toil, which in the painting is far away on a hill in the background. The ideological impetus behind the popularity of such painted subjects was consistent with the motives that drove the selection of photographic motifs in the Cahiers Franco-Allemands.

Not only did they lose more materially with the destruction of villages and farmland, but they also sacrificed more human lives in the conflict. More than 40 percent of the soldiers killed in the war had come from a rural background. However, when one considers that France was undergoing a rural exodus at this time, the embrace of the peasantry as moral compass and protector of French culture seems paradoxical and tragic.

Roger Chapelin- Midy, Le vin Wine, Photograph by Dominique Cornille. Another favored subject of Cahiers photoessays was the life of French and German youth. In the seg- ment of photographs from Germany, a band of Hitler Youth is depicted marching through the mountains of Bavaria singing in unison. The next spread of photographs depicts two German Chapter 1 girls, also in youth-group uniform, singing and playing the accordion; on the facing page is The Cultural Politics of an image of French children playing in the Jardin du Luxembourg fig.

By juxtaposing militaristic photos to leisurely or pastoral images, the Cahiers attempted to neutralize the more ominous associations of youth being prepared for war. This interpreta- tion is supported by the argument proposed by Abetz in the accompanying essay. His piece is actually the transcript of a lecture he had presented the previous month to the Parisian Rive gauche society, a group that hosted many Nazi and French pro-Nazi speakers in the s. In Figure Figure Abetz is quick to point out that the organization of eight million children and adolescents was not under the authority of the army but independent and self-governing.

Its leaders had risen from among the ranks of its youth members. The sojourn be- gan with a large reception hosted by the CFA, during which which the Hitler Youth leaders invited one thousand children of French war veterans for a two-week paid trip to Germany this subsequent trip took place in early Further, they convened with various French youth groups and representatives of the anciens combattants and left flowers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier fig.

While in Paris the Hitler Youth offered several well-attended Figure The newly created Hitler Youth songs had been introduced previously in an article in the Cahiers, which was accompa- nied by an article by Henri Jourdan of the French Institute of Berlin on the genre of French folk songs.

Again, the intent of the juxtaposition was to normalize the culture of the Hitler Youth for the French readership by comparing it to their own national folk traditions. The talks covered political as well as cultural topics. A talk by Hans Friedrich Blunck, hon- orary president of the Reich Chamber of Literature, focused on the influence of French think- ers on German literature and philosophy.

A press committee was also created at the instigation of Fernand de Brinon during a session with French and German journalists. This move was most likely a reaction to the increased political tension between the two countries—much had changed in the months between the Paris exposition and Baden-Baden. In March, Hitler had marched into Austria and soon after- ward began demanding territorial concessions from Czechoslovakia while amassing troops on its border. The desire to appease Hitler was shared by Brit- Chapter 1 ish premier Neville Chamberlain, who saw it as a means of avoiding war.

But we are nevertheless in some ways part of the same grand family of European peoples. We have not just caused each other irritating problems and much sorrow but are also indebted to each other for a tremendous cross-pollination. We have given each other many joys and much beauty. We must be fair to one another; then we will discover that we have fewer reasons to hate one another than to admire one another.

For example, Josef Nadler, professor at the University of Vienna, gave a talk on the contemporary state of German literature in which he argued that Jewish Bolsheviks had overrun German publishing. He maintains that by German literature was dominated by translated Soviet tracts aimed at inciting a proletarian revolution.

Fischer asserts that all aspects of political and social life should be based on the laws of heredity. Sacha Gui- try, who had just released his polyglot film Les perles de la couronne The Pearls of the Crown, was also scheduled to present with Jacqueline Delubac a report on theater and film in France, but it seems that at the last minute he was not able to attend.

Perret, who had designed the Museum of Public Works for the exposition, discussed the importance of classical principles in contemporary architec- ture. Cahiers Franco-Allemands, June In the end, the everyday decisions to accommodate made the job of the occupier much less onerous. The French and German sections Chapter 1 were divided, with each containing photodocumentation of regional architectural sites, fish- The Cultural Politics of ermen, farmers, and other readily identifiable national subjects.

The photographs were inter- Rapprochement spersed with artisanal crafts, busts of important cultural figures, and historic paraphernalia. Again, the visual displays were intended to convey the message that Germany and France were separate nations whose peoples nevertheless remained spiritually connected: people and landscape, blood and soil. The organization of the Franco-German exhibit in Baden-Baden reflected the importance placed on visual culture exhibits during the s to legitimize a potentially controversial political discourse.

The German pavilion occupied a similar critical position: to counter negative press, it offered the general public an opulent visual narrative of heroism, renewal, and peaceful intent through artwork and other displays. Indeed, as I have already pointed out, the German participation in the exposition represents the height of the Nazi campaign for a Franco-German rapprochement, as well as the height of French hopes that such a peace with their hereditary enemy could be achieved.

As revealed in the next chapter, the discourse of rapprochement would have tangible, material benefits for the Third Reich, for it was supposedly in the spirit of cooperation that the French worked so hard to accommodate the demands of the Nazi regime during the planning and construction of the pavilion.

Archives Diplomatique de Nantes AN. Centre national de la recherche scientifique MAE. All translations in this book are my own unless otherwise noted. The surge of reactionary politics in was in part a direct response to the success of the Left in the French election of May The Croix de Feu comprised , members by mid, when the Popular government banned Notes it along with two other extremist leagues.

In , Gringoire reached a total of , subscribers, while Candide counted , One can compare these figures to the subscription total for Vendredi, a periodical aligned with the Popular Front, which attracted about , regular read- ers. Norton, , Weber cites an American study of French journalism of the period that report- ed the vast majority of the Parisian press being on the Right.

According to the study, twelve publications of the Right and extreme Right had 1. Jackson, France: The Dark Years, Sternhell examines the extent to which fascist ideology was embed- ded not only politically but also intellectually in French society. Jackson, France: The Dark Years, 79— Kaplan, Reproductions of Banality, Hase und Koehler, AD Oeuvres The film was also favored by the French government of the time. Norman Denny New York: Atheneum, , Halsey II and William H.

Simon New York: Simon and Schuster, , Renoir, My Life and My Films, Curchod, La grande illusion, Weber, Hollow Years, James F. London: Edward Arnold, , 79— McMillan, Twentieth-Century France, However, his idea had no chance of succeeding, as the parties were so divided by this point. Cited also in Weber, Hollow Years, 19n.

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Raymond Rosenthal New York: Pan- theon, , Burrin, France under the Germans, 41— Members voting in favor of the Munich agreement came to , and there were just 75 against it—73 Communists and 2 others. Jean Renoir, La grande illusion, trans. Alexandre and A. Sinclair London: Lorrimer, , 8. Later, in February , forty-four Communist deputies would be put on trial; most were sentenced for up to five years.

Quoted in Weber, Hollow Years, Jackson, France: The Dark Years, — Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, trans. Ralph Manheim Boston: Houghton Mifflin, , , , Hitler, Mein Kampf, Philippe Burrin confirms that even though most of the French public had not read Mein Kampf, they were provided with good information about it. See Burrin, France under the Germans, Gerhard L. John W. Hiden London: Longman, , — The debate over how National Socialist foreign policy developed and who shaped it is ongoing and the literature extensive.

For a useful summary of past studies on the subject— structural-functionalist, concept pluralist, and polycratic approaches—see Ian Kershaw, The Nazi Dictator- ship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation, 4th ed. London: Arnold, , — Leitz, Nazi Foreign Policy, Robert Boyce London: Routledge, , In this article, Jackson argues that the French policy of appeasement lasted until after the Munich accord, when Prime Minister Edouard Daladier finally decided to counter the views of Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet.

Detlev J. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , Holborn, History of Modern Germany, Lauren, Diplomats and Bureaucrats, — Belitz, Befreundung mit dem Fremden, Broszat, Hitler State, — Abetz had excellent Nazi credentials. Scapini was introduced to Abetz by Bertrand de Jouvenel. Though Pichot was a devoted member of the CFA, he would become one of the few members to resign from the group after the events of Kristall- nacht changed his opinion of the Nazi regime.

See Burrin, France under the Germans, 55, Unteutsch estimates that the Cahiers reached a circulation of two thousand by the late s. Unteutsch, Von Sohlbergkreis zur Gruppe Collaboration, After the war, both men were tried and executed. Michael Marrus and Robert O. The German photographers included E. Hoppe, A. This premise is repeated frequently in the Cahiers.

Whoever lives on the soil of France become what is called French by the effect of a mysterious law. Golan, Modernity and Nostalgia, Nearly all the talks pre- sented at the conference were published in the Cahiers. According to Gobineau, the purity of race alone decided the success of a culture, with the Aryan race being the purest among contemporary lineages. Richard J. Burrin, France under the Germans, n It appears that Guitry was replaced by Pierre de Lestringuez.

Nevertheless, Guitry would continue to have a relationship with the group and would publish an article in the Cahiers under occupation. His lecture was subsequently published in the Cahiers. Burrin, France under the Germans, Burrin does an excellent job of distinguishing the various forms and degrees of accommodation that occurred during the occupation. He contends that the first form of accommodation was determined by the need to have the economy and public services of France con- tinue to operate.

Although most of the accommodation in this category may not have been primarily prompted by politico-ideological motives, these were often present in some limited or diffuse form, establishing a connivance that rendered such gestures of coopera- tion all the easier to make. Chapter 2 1. See Patricia A. Nancy Troy has argued that the exposition was already marked by a strong competition between France and Germany, instilling in the French a feeling of national insecurity with regard to their accomplishments in design and modern production methods.

Klaus Hildebrand et al. The German ambassador to Paris, Graf von Welczeck, likewise confirmed the political importance of the economic treaty. Munich: Artemis, , Overy, The Nazi Economic Recovery, —, 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , 23—35, 49, By dumping German prod- ucts abroad, the Nazis hoped to procure the needed foreign credits. On the competition between different ministries, see Carroll, Design for Total War, — Private businesses formed their own organizations in an attempt to improve commercial relation- ships.

The French government invited forty-nine foreign nations, and forty-seven responded affirma- tively. The Third Reich was one of the last nations to join the exposition. Its acceptance came a year and a half later than those of Italy accepted 25 March and the Soviet Union 30 April ; Belgium, Great Britain, Egypt, Hungary, and Japan, among others, all accepted before the end of See F. Danilo Udovicki maintains that the placement of the foreign pavilions was determined in the course of the third concours in the first series of competitions for the design of the fairgrounds sponsored by the exposition committee.

The plan directeur of 2 March indicates the final placement of the Soviet and German pavilions. French legislation at this time required goods to be marked with their country of origin. SICAP represented a combination of private and state interests; the state provided the company with working capital, controlled one-third of the stock, and accounted for one-third of its silent partners and administrators.

The company also handled the Franco-German exchange of coke for iron ore. Through this mechanism, Germany very nearly became the sole provider of coke to France. The level of French iron exports to Germany also rose dramatically, resulting in the development of closer ties between French and German industries.

This occurred during a worldwide iron shortage, and therefore the SICAP agreement worked against the interests of other European nations, which also wanted to trade coke for French iron.

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The goods ordered from Germany included steel, ceramic materials, rubber mats, linoleum, electrical equipment, and scientific instruments for physics, chemistry, and astronomy. In addition, the pavilion was situated directly on the Notes heavily trafficked Avenue de Tokio. It was thus necessary to construct the pavilion on a platform 4. Traffic could travel freely through a tunnel under the pavilion. The French government ultimately assumed about 60 percent of the total cost of regional participation.

See also David B. To counteract the flight of capital and to stimulate investment and trade, the French government implemented the first of two devaluations of the franc in September