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Consultant to design the program on Access to justice in the countryside and legal pluralism. OK-Lima, junio-julio Consultant to support the constitutional process. Project on Coordination between indigenous authorities and ordinary justice system. Facilitator for building capacities of judges, attorneys and public defenders on legal pluralism and access to justice for indigenous peoples.

Advisor and speaker in workshops and Congress: Chota, Dec. Info: dignidad ceas. Several consultancies. London, April, Info: Rachel Sieder rachel. The recognition of indigenous law in the Latin American constitutions. Guatemala, February, Info: Simona Yagenova simona flacso.

Constitutional collective rights in Ecuador and the Andean Countries. Quito, Nov. Info: cld cld. Speech published in form of a book in Consultant Lima, Nov. Guatemala Systematization of IReS experience with prisoners and former prisoners. Barcelona, Report published in Program of international cooperation with Latin America.

Advisor on gender and criminology issues Lima, Advisor on legal pluralism and customary law. Professor of Sociology of law and legal anthropology. Consultant and speaker. Speaker at the Sovereignty Symposium XX. New Trends on the Latin American constitutionalism. Oklahoma, May Sucre, April and May Info: alfonso. Taller Renacere. March Postgraduate studies on interpretation and translation into indigenous languages. Opening lecture on Justice and Multilingualism in Guatemala. Guatemala, July, 28, Info: Edgar Batres, ebatres mp.

Course on human rights. Lecture on Justice, gender and ethnicity. Guatemala, July, 21, Guest Lecturer at the Doctorate in Law Programme. Opening class: Indigenous Policies in Latin America along the history. December 1 st , Key speaker at the Expert Seminar on the implementation of Legislation and Jurisprudence on indigenous rights in the Americas. Tucson, October Info: James Anaya anaya law. Speaker at the IV Meeting of researches on Indigenous rights. Info: Marco Aparicio marco. Guest professor. Valencia, October Info: emiliano.

Borja uv. Course for Ombudsman personnel and court officials Huehuetenango , and for indigenous leaders Quiche. International Seminar on Interculturality. Santiago de Chile, December Madrid, November Professor at the Master program in Ethnic Studies. Professor at the Masters program Seville: September Info: mcalvo iisj. The Latin American perspective.

Oxford, June Lima, March , Quito: Nov. Toronto, May Guest lecturer. Cultural criminalization, in Course of Criminology Lima, Oct. London, April Arica, Chile, March Specialization in Bilingual Justice. Opening class: Justice and Multiculturalism. Quetzaltenango, Master in Criminology. Opening class: History of criminology, schools of thought in criminology.

Guatemala, Feb. Diploma in Customary law. Guest lecturer: History of Legal Anthropology and Indigenous policies.

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Guatemala and Quetzaltenango, Dec. Amsterdam, Specialization in Customary Indigenous law. Courses : Legal anthropology and legal pluralism. Indigenous policies in Latin America. Guatemala, Guest Lecturer: Cultural and legal pluralism, Justice and multilingualism. Legal translator career. Seminars: Sociology of Law and Legal Anthropology. Workshop for researchers on Legal Anthropology and field research methodology.

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Conference organized by B. Drug control policies in Latin America. Bellaterra, Spain. Guess Lecturer. Human Rights in Peru. Narcotics Crime Control. El Salvador, Faculty of Law. Critical criminology. Lima , and Nov. Mexico, Faculty of Psychology. Faculties of Law and Social Sciences. Classes: Criminology, Legal Anthropology, sociology of law. Lima,, and Nov. Books :. Access to justice in Cambodia with a focus on the poor, women and indigenous peoples.

Chapters of books, articles in magazines, and reports :. Bilbao: Universidad de Deusto, His affection for the boy plagued him. Was it because he reproached himself for the existence of the child? Hugh could not tell. Did he reproach himself really? Coonardoo had been the one sure thing in his life when his mother went out of it.

He had grasped her. She was a stake, something to hang on to. More than that, the only stake he could hang on to. He had to remind himself of her dark skin and race. Hugh had never been able to think of Coonardoo as alien to himself. She was the old playmate; a force in the background of his life, silent and absolute. Something primitive, fundamental, nearer than he to the source of things: the well in the shadows.

The Indian is Other and therefore alien. But the Indian is indigenous and therefore cannot be alien. So the Canadian must be alien. But how can the Canadian be alien within Canada? Another attempt at indigenisation is discursive. Spencer and F. In Coonardoo , the Gnarler language appears in songs, in expressions used by the Indigenous characters and in sparse words along the text, for which Prichard provides translation and a glossary.

Little feet, fluttering wings, threads of falling blossom wreathed a cobwebby sleepiness over her. Very drowsily, the faint reedy voice twanged. Her singing ran out, and started again in a flurry Prichard 3. For Goldie the innovation in Coonardoo was not thematic, as many critics claim, but it would lie in the omniscient narration concentrating on different characters, an Aboriginal woman among them. The song works as a frame to the novel, reappearing in the final chapter, about 40 years later, with a new connotation.

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Settler colonialism is a project based mainly on land appropriation and the subconscious, ambivalent or earnest desire for the disappearance of the Indigenous Others. This is a crucial object for settlers, as the presence of Others brings forth a moral dilemma and causes permanent anxiety. To secure its implementation and perpetuity, settler colonialism relies on varied strategies.

Although the first ideas that come to mind regarding Indigenous disappearance are bloodshed and genocide, overtly violent means are not always the case. By bringing to the surface at least two situations urban coastal Australians were willing to ignore - the possibility of interethnic love and the sexual exploitation of Aboriginal women - Prichard stirred Australians out of their complacency and disturbed what the anthropologist W.

Critical response and the stacks of complaint letters that the Bulletin received after the publication of the story attest to the successful outcome of this aim. Mrs Bessie tries to come to terms with her own ambiguous feelings towards some of the practices that would be instantly considered taboo by Western standards - and thus, subject to transfer - such as the early sexual initiation of girls, which Prichard describes in some detail in chapter Mrs Bessie had fits of loathing the blacks. She was disgusted by practices she considered immoral, until she began to understand a difference to her own in the aboriginal consciousness of sex.

She was surprised then, to find in it something impersonal, universal, of a religious mysticism Prichard At first sight, Sam Geary would be on the opposite side of the virtue spectrum when compared to Mrs Bessie, and yet his depiction by Prichard is no less complex. On the one hand he is the abject sexual predator type, always trying to negotiate with Indigenous men in order to acquire new women. Invoking the Bible to justify his polygamy with eleven Indigenous women, he also treats miscegenation lightly, having fathered several half-caste children, who will not, obviously, acquire any inheriting rights of his property, Nuniewarra.

Sheba had been with Geary two or three years now. She kept the keys of the store-room. Before Sheba there had been Sarah and Tamar. Now Sheba and Tamar both had corrugated-iron huts on Nuniewarra, although Sheba spent most of her time at the homestead with Sam. She made tea for visitors, and Geary took her with him when he went into Karrara, engaged rooms for her at the hotel and gave her money to buy silk dresses.

She went to the races with him. But here in Wytaliba, Sheba had to eat at the kala miah [wood heap] with the other gins [Aboriginal women] Prichard And yet, single, puzzling, half-consensual sexual intercourse with the abject settler results in metaphorical and literal transfer, which takes the form of banishment, exile and physical and moral decline.

The Year Fifteen : an attempt at a settler colonial reading. Hollanda and Wasserman 57 believe that her personal views have had too much influence on the critical readings of her work. In relation to the regularity of these critical readings, Hollanda observes that from to there was a great wave of criticism on Queiroz, an interest boosted by the novelty and quality of her work.

Hollanda attributes that rejection not to the response to her fiction itself, but to the apprehension created by her conflicting relationship with feminism, her acquaintances in places of power, her free traffic through the backstage of Brazilian literature and politics, and her contentious, sometimes inconsistent, political ideas and public statements.

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Scholars did not know how to juggle Queiroz, the writer of fiction, and Queiroz, the outspoken persona. Nice to meet you. The post had been shared by more than people. The expressions compadre and its feminine version comadre also have a more widespread, non-religious, meaning, being used all over Brazil as a term of endearment to express esteem or friendship Houaiss. In our midst there were never any land problems, because we always gave land for our tenants to cultivate. I may have a lot of defects but I never charged for a grain of bean from a worker of mine.

Queiroz, , 28 In this paper, these relationships will be approximated to the ones between the settler and the Indigenous Other. This type of idealisation serves as a screen to profound power and economic inequalities, evoking one of the disavowing settler strategies described by Veracini , Analogously to Coonardoo , idealisation in The Year Fifteen is emphasised by the contrast between the benevolent and the abject landowners.

Social class profiling goes hand-in-hand with racism and often overpowers it as a criterium for exclusion and discrimination. According to sociologist Darcy Ribeiro, social inequality in Brazil started to take shape in the sixteenth Century, when Portugal, a country with few inhabitants, even for European standards, found itself in need to populate and therefore, protect from the grasp of competing powers, such as the Spanish, the French and the Dutch , a huge mass of land overseas in its current configuration, Brazil is 92 times larger than Portugal.

The grantee was a high nobleman invested with feudal powers by the king to govern his estate for thirty leagues in every direction; with the political power to found villages, grant pieces of land, and license artisans and merchants; with economic power to develop his lands directly or through intermediaries, and even with the right to impose capital punishment.

Ribeiro This method, put into practice as early as , can be seen as the inception of the land and income distribution problems that have plagued Brazil since then. Add slavery to this system of privileges and we have a society that, although still resembling a settler colonial one in important ways, departs from the settler colonial paradigm in others.

Some of the characteristics of the Portuguese venture in Brazil are clearly those of settler colonialism: the Portuguese came to stay, they made a point of eliminating the Indigenous Others and introduced African and, later on, Exogenous Others of different nationalities. However, Veracini , 30 and other scholars have acknowledged the difficulties of applying settler colonialism theories to South American countries.

This disparity serves settler colonial purposes especially well. Settlers, as Veracini , 26 points out, rely on the presence of Exogenous Others to feel entitled to the land. Wolfe , explains the usefulness, in Brazil, of the one-drop rule in creating and emphasising distinctions among African-Brazilians to foster the social exclusion that comes from those distinctions.

As a constant reminder of the injustices of land appropriation, however, the presence of Indigenous Others - and the political conflicts that they might inspire - causes discomfort and insecurity for settlers. Historically, miscegenation started as early as the arrival of the first Portuguese settlers. More importantly, he could quickly produce dozens of children. In spite of the demographic significance that they soon achieved, these caboclos or mamelucos were displaced individuals, becoming victims of two types of rejection:. First was that of their fathers, with whom they wanted to identify but who looked down on them as impure sons of the land, taking good advantage of their work while they were children and youths and later integrating them into the bandeira expeditions [16th and 17th century colonial expeditions into the interior of Brazil to search for precious metals and gather slaves among the Indigenous Peoples] of which many made a career.

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The second rejection was that of their maternal people. The one who is born is the child of the father and not of the mother, as the Indians see it. So it was that by means of cunhadismo carried to extremes, a new human breed was created, which was not recognized or seen as such by Indians, by Europeans, or by blacks. Furthermore, a lot more emphasis is placed on African rather than on Indigenous slavery.

Miscegenation has not meant the integration of the hybridised individuals into a more privileged social stratum. Miscegenation and variation in demographic estimation criteria make it very difficult to determine the populational progression of the caboclos in Brazil. Caboclo was a category in the official censuses of and , but was encompassed by the umbrella term pardo a term that refers to an indefinite brownish colour rather than to a racial category, used to designate any combinations between White, Black and Indigenous , from on.

However, it is safe to say that the two regions with the largest proportion of Indigenous peoples, respectively North and Northeast, are also the ones with the largest number of caboclos. In The Year Fifteen , Chico Bento as well as other people, men and women, who work for the farmers or live on the farm premises, are referred to as caboclos. In the following episode, Chico approaches Vicente in the hope of selling him his traditional sertanejo leather garment and his remaining head of cattle, so that he and his family can set off on their migration:.

The horse stopped under the dried piece of white wood that served as shade. The owner dismounted, with the same clumsy indolence […]. Sit down!

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The stockman sat on a wooden bench, close to the window. The caboclo wailed in a mournful tone -Yes, sir… The owner gave orders for the cattle to be released…Today I opened the gates… Queiroz, , 28, my translation. Vicente, pitying the cowboy, buys the cattle and the garment, although he bargains for a lower price for the former. Not only in this passage but in his interactions with the other characters whom he sees as figures of authority, Chico is inarticulate and displays humbleness bordering on submission.

In settler-colonial terms, the stereotypical portrayal of the caboclo in his dependence on the generosity of the benign landowner can be viewed as a disavowing technique to justify landlessness and social inequality. She had always known him wanting to be a cowboy, like an unambitious caboclo , in spite of the displeasure that that caused to his family Queiroz, , 21, my translation.

As a white landowner and, thus, inheritor of settler privileges, Vicente aspires to indigeneity, in the form of the caboclo lifestyle; meanwhile his family consider caboclos subhuman and unnoticeable. She also works for the well-being of the community, volunteering in the concentration camp. The girl became irritated [ Queiroz, , 66, my translation.