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Der Investiturstreit by Wolfgang Gaßner (2008, Paperback)
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Interaction, Negotiation, and Power, ed. Emilia Jamroziak and Janet Burton, Turnhout , pp. Adrian Morey and Christofer N. Brooke, Cambridge , no. See also Adrian Morey and Christofer N. Brooke, Gilbert Foliot and his Letters, Cambridge , pp. Kings were, however, fallible and required the guidance and admonition that only priests and prelates could give. Closely related to this view was a lively strand in Anglo-Norman letters that fashioned a stark contrast between the blandishments of worldly splendour and the realities of eternal life. All this served as a warning to contemplate the transience of earthly power, as an encouragement to consider instead the need to strive for eternal salvation, not merely earthly riches.
The reader was advised to ponder what became of a body that had once been adorned with the finest garments and most precious jewels, that had been 55 The Chronicle of John of Worcester, ed. Reginald R. Ikonologische Studien, ed.
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The History of the English People, ed. Diana Greenway, Oxford , pp. Marjorie Chibnall, 6 vols. On the topos see also Michail A. Byzanz, Okzident, Russland, ed. Michail A. The distinction is a subtle but important one: at stake was not the divinely sanctioned nature of royal power, but the fact that the person wielding it remained a fallible mortal human.
The good ones heeded the advice of prudent prelates, and the bad ones were at least kept in line by their fear of pious bishops. What mattered about Dunstan, Anselm, Ralph of Chichester or Ealdred of York was, after all, that they acted not as defenders exclusively of their own see, but of the English Church as a whole.
What they did not engage in, however, was the kind of activity that took so central a place in several biographies of bishops from the European mainland: the armed defence and recovery of their estates, their role as rulers and princes in territories of their own. Untersuchungen zum Krisen- und Todesgedanken in den herrschaftstheologischen Vorstellungen der ottonisch-salischen Zeit, Berlin Elizabeth M. Tyler and Ross Balzaretti, Turnhout , pp.
Wilfried Hartmann, Mainz , pp. Jahrhunderts, ed. The dispute centred on the investiture of bishops in those lands acquired during the crusade. An especially poignant episode concerned the investiture of the bishop of Oldenburg. Having been appointed by the archbishop, the prelate also approached Henry, who was, after all, the most powerful among his flock. Henry, however, would only agree to this appointment on condi- tion that he invest the bishop with his see. For the investiture of bishops belonged to the imperial majesty.
As a result, the Church had become rich and powerful, and the princes of the land hurried to become its vassals. Helmold was no supporter of the archbishop. What follows is not meant to be comprehensive. Heinz Stoob, Berlin , i. Francis Joseph Tschan, New York , pp. Eine Biographie, Munich , pp. That many of these examples are taken from Germany partly reflects the limited expertise of the present author, but also the fact that, outside England, it is the German part of the Holy Roman Empire that provides the richest repertoire of vitae in which bishops regularly en- gaged with kings.
Moreover, sufficient evidence survives to suggest that the conditions portrayed in German sources were also evident in many other parts of Latin Christendom. Ordering and overseeing the Church was what kings were expected to do. Writing c. Cosmas of Prague, for instance, writing c. Power and Piety at the First Millenium, ed. The Deeds of the princes of the Poles, trans. Knoll and Frank Schaer, with a preface by Thomas N. Bisson, Budapest and New York , pp. Similar views can be found in histories of noble dynasties with royal pretensions, such as the Historia Welforum.
Stephani Regis, ed. Emma Bartoniek, in: Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum, ed. English translation: The Chronicle of the Czechs. Cosmas of Prague, trans. The prelate was berated for having called on the king for support — he was threatening to set a precedent that undermined not only the independence of his own see, but that of the Church in France as a whole. The prelate should therefore cease to act like a tyrant, and instead protect and foster those given into his care. Furthermore, proximity to the monarch was a token of prestige and stand- ing.
The latter could, of course, reflect the saintly disposition of the prelate: the anonymous author of a life of St Theodgar, for example, stressed how the saint even preached to King Olaf of Norway. Similarly, the vita of Meinwerk of Pader- born — , written c.
The closest reference to a moral context to this behaviour was when Meinwerk expounded to Henry that he was conned for the greater benefit of his kingdom and his soul. I am grateful to Emily Wood for this and the following reference. Martin Cl. Gertz, 2 vols. Das Leben Bischof Meinwerks von Pader- born, ed. Guido M. Berndt, Munich Christoph Stiegemann and Martin Kroker, Regensburg In the s, an unknown cleric from Salzburg penned a letter in which he explained the recent exile of Archbishop Conrad: the prelate had been driven from his see because of his loyalty towards Pope Alexander III whom Emperor Frederick Barbarossa had replaced with an imperial candidate.
At the same time, this was not personal loyalty, but the tradition of the archdiocese, which, to the delight of the canons and priests, Conrad maintained. The principled stance existed independently of the prelate, and Conrad merely continued what was already an established custom — a somewhat different reasoning from the one employed in similar circumstances by St Anselm or Thomas Becket both of whom had forced their kings to recognise one pope over another.
More importantly, there was little about standing up to the king. It was this record of loyalty, in turn, that, the anonymous writer hoped, would sway the king. It was not something to be curtailed or directed. Herwig Wolfram, Munich , pp. By no means was Albero impious: his sermons were profound, he sank into deep reverie when administering the sacraments, and enjoyed having lengthy debates with his clerics on scriptural matters. Albero had thus been consecrated as archbishop before he had been invested with the temporal possessions of his see, a way of proceeding that violated the Concordat of Worms, which had settled the investiture controversy in Germany.
Unlike his English peers, however, Albero merited respect because of his political and military might, not his spiritual and moral clout. Jahrhunderts, trans. The Deeds of Albero of Trier, by Balderich, trans. Brian A. Pavlac, Toronto , pp. Albero von Montreuil, Erzbischof von Trier, —, Trier The author of the Gesta Stephani was, in fact, horrified when English bishops engaged in armed brawls during the civil war between King Stephen and Matilda.
It was not, however, needed to establish his exemplary record as lord and leader of his Church. There is much less evidence of direct and forceful admonition,85 and royal power mattered above all as a Staufen Era, in: Warriors and Churchmen in the Middle Ages. Essays Presented to Karl Leyser, ed. Timothy Reuter, London , pp. Though it is perhaps worth noting that this was not an exclusively German phenomenon: Gregory A.
Michael Fleck, Marburg , pp. John S. Ott and Anna Trumbore Jones, Aldershot , pp. Die politische Instrumentalisierung von Geschichtsschreibung, Paderborn , pp. Instead of threatening kings with their military entourage, English bishops ruled them through fear of their religious authority. The image of the ideal prelate in England was thus profoundly different from the one we encounter in other parts of Latin Europe.
Why was this so? III At first sight, structural features may explain some of these differences, es- pecially in the case of England and the regnum Teutonicorum, the German kingdom. To begin, the latter was considerably larger, imperial power con- sequently spread more thinly. That authors like the Salzburg letter writer still lamented royal intrusions is worth noting, but then such royal intrusions were relative to the normal lack of an imperial presence.
The occasional exercise of power, even if intermittent, still registered as an irritating deviation from the norm. At the same time, once the geographical focus of those episcopal vitae is taken into account where most is said about dealings between prelates and kings, then we note that the majority of relevant incidents is reported from the heartlands of the regnum, from regions where imperial lordship was frequently felt — places like Worms, Trier, Mainz, Cologne, or, in the case of tenth-century bishops, Saxony. In short, regular interaction with the royal court still did not result in a need for moral reprimand.
Consequently, the geographical context of imperial lordship may have weakened further the opportunity for regular moral advice, and the nature of imperial lordship the necessity for doing so, but it cannot on its own explain the differences noted above. A rare but significant excep- tion is the Historia Compostellana and its account of dealings between the archbishop of Santiago de Compostela and the kings of Castile: Fletcher note 72 , pp.
Jahrhunderts, Cologne, Wei- mar and Vienna Jahrhundert, in: ZRG Kan. Equally, the background of many German bishops as former members of the imperial court was mirrored in England, and cannot therefore explain the differences: Jaeger note 84 ; David Walker, Crown and Episcopacy under the Normans and Angevins, in: ANS 5 , pp.
Barrow, Education and the recruitment of cathedral canons in England and Germany —, in: Viator 20 , pp. William the Conqueror and his heirs exercised an unprecedented degree of authority over the appointment to ecclesiastical offices and the organisation of the Church, extending even to matters of Church law and litigation. It was perhaps that real and palpable impact of royal governance that also resulted in a narrative tradition that stressed the need to resist and admonish the monarch: there would have been little point in exhorting the king to heed the liberty of the Church if he had few means of infringing on it.
At the same time, once we probe more deeply, a more complex image emerges. Similarly, the part played by the papal court in the imperial coronation did not always result in the pope taking on the role of bishops, or in him doing so in Germany to a greater degree than elsewhere. Vaughn, Henry I and the English Church. On Brun of Querfurt see Ian N. Authors and their Identities in the early Middle Ages, ed.
Gerd Althoff and Ernst Schubert, Sigmaringen , pp. Die Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit 4 , 4 vols. Owen J. Blum, 6 vols. It is also worth noting that Brun of Querfurt wrote his letters from the safety of the Polish court, and Peter Damian penned his to a young king far away beyond the Alps. We are therefore dealing with very different expectations as to the manner and venue in which to admonish the ruler. That these expectations, in turn, emerged within a comparable framework of royal and imperial control over ecclesiastical matters suggests that an explanation centring on royal might alone would be insufficient.
The impression is further strengthened by developments evident in Hungary, Bohemia or Poland, where, in the early days of ecclesiastical organisation, royal power remained largely undisputed. This is not to deny that structural features mattered: in a realm as centralised as England, with a king as capable of intervening directly and forcefully in the affairs of the Church, the need to stand up to the monarch, to remind him of his duties before God, and of the ultimate emptiness of worldly splendour, may well have been more pronounced.
Yet, the fact that English patterns of idealised episcopal behaviour were not easily replicated elsewhere calls for a more varied explanation. John Maddicott has recently drawn attention to what may constitute a fur- ther contributing factor: a tradition of moral oversight by bishops that dates back to the tenth century. The promises made are by no means unusual: the unnamed king undertook to ensure that peace prevailed among the Christian people of his kingdom, to ban robbery and other unjust actions, and to maintain justice and mercy.
In fact, the text states that Dunstan refused to crown the king unless he first undertook to read out the promises and publicly confirm that he would keep them. As such, it reflects a pattern of episcopal oversight central to late Anglo-Saxon relations between prelates and ruler. The oath predates similar examples from continental Europe by about a generation. Reinhard Elze, Hanover , nos. Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual, ed.
Bak, Berkeley They were not, however, reported as undertaking formal promises: Richer, Histoire de France, —, ed. Robert Latouche, 2 vols. Elisabeth Magnou-Nortier, Paris , pp. Forschungen zum Herrschaftsantritt Hugo Capets , in: Francia 21 , pp. Josef Fleckenstein, Sigmaringen , pp. Jahrhundert, Cologne and Vienna , pp.
One of the alleged conditions was that Rudolf would view the realm not as his, but as an office temporarily entrusted to him, and that his son would not succeed him: Paul von Bernried, Vita Gregorii VII papae, in: Pontificum Romanorum qui fuerunt inde ab exeunte saeculo IX usque ad finem saeculi XIII vitae, ed. Johannes M.
Watterich, 2 vols.
Yet this undertaking seems to have been designed primarily as a means of aiding the metropolitan against his rival at Cologne. This involved confirming the laws of the Saxons when he received the homage of leading Saxon nobles. When urged by his entourage not to delay the ceremony, Conrad explained that he had been granted the power of his office to do justice, and that he would be unworthy of the royal crown if he did not offer judgement to his people.
Kaiser dreier Reiche, Munich , pp. Geburtstag, ed. Andreas Bihrer et al. A Cultural History, ed. Similarly, Wipo, while certainly at times critical of the king, did not claim that Conrad could have avoided sinning, if only he had been given or had sought the advice of prelates and priests. Of course, the basis of successful kingship was heeding the commandments of divine law. Yet, unlike in England, it was not the role of prelates to remind the monarch of this circumstance. The list of examples could be continued.
The important point, though, has been made: by the standards of the tenth and eleventh centuries, the English coronation oath was unusual. Writings about the oath also point towards a veritable tradition surrounding Dunstan, long predating the Norman Conquest. They were later joined by some of the ealdorman, but the episode nonetheless serves to highlight the prominent role of the prelates in the proceedings, the emphasis on moral guidance and over- sight. The text is structured as a series of twelve readings lectiones on stages in the life of St Dunstan.
Michael Lapidge, Oxford , pp. The emphasis on moral guidance reflects a strong homiletic tradition in late Anglo-Saxon England. Wulfstan had designed a comprehensive framework for moral reform, encompassing law codes, preaching materials, and a set of statements on abstract principles of political organisation, grouped together in later tradition as the Institutes of Polity. In his Institutes, Wulfstan stressed repeatedly the importance of taking sound advice: by heeding the counsel of good men, kings would ensure peace and tranquillity See also Rollason note , pp.
Precedent, Practice and Appropriation, ed. Aaron J. Nelson, Liturgy or Law: Misconceived Alternatives? Stephen Baxter, Aldershot , pp. Law as Text, Image and Experience, London , pp. Proceedings of the Second Alcuin Conference, ed. Matthew Townend, Turnhout , pp. The failure of kings to heed wise counsel would result in suffering for the kingdom, and so would the failure of bishops to provide such counsel. That moral instruction was, however, by no means gentle. In the present context, a cursory look at his perhaps most famous sermon, the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, will suffice by way of il- lustration.
The Viking invasions were not, however, a test of English faith and resilience, but the result of the moral collapse of Late Anglo-Saxon England. They had been brought about solely by the unwillingness of the English to abide by proper norms of Christian moral conduct. Ein Werk Erzbischofs Wulfstans von York, ed. Karl Jost, Bern , pp. Dorothy Whitelock, 3rd ed. Basic Readings, ed. Paul E. Szarmach and Deborah A. Oosterhouse, New York , pp. In order to restore the political integrity of the realm, to defend it against the Barbarian hordes ravaging the realm, the kingdom needed to experience a process of spiritual, moral and religious renewal.
Wulfstan did not seek to comfort his people, to soothe their pain, but to get them to take responsibility, to start behaving like proper Christians. To Wulfstan, pastoral care was above all a matter of stern rebuke, untiring admonition, and relentless exhortation. None of this quite matches the fervent reprimand encountered in post- Conquest texts.
Eadwig apart, kings were not manhandled, threatened with physical violence or publicly humiliated. Equally, Dunstan, Oda and Oswald were not just moral counterweights to the monarch, but above all trusted and pious advisors who sought to counsel their lord as to how he might best fulfil his duties. Yet, such differences in style cannot deceive as to similarities in content. Vor allem die Entwicklung des Konflikts zwischen Papst und deutschem Konig ist an Dramatik kaum zu uberbieten und steht deshalb zu recht im Zentrum der Ausfuhrungen. Dazu ist es zunachst jedoch notwendig kurz auf die Ausgangslage vor dem Konflikt einzugehen, um anschliessend seine Ausloser benennen zu konnen.
Die Arbeit beschrankt sich dabei hauptsachlich auf die Wandlungen innerhalb der Kirche, die durch die Reformpapste, welche als Bundler" der Reformbestrebungen auftraten, hervorgerufen wurden. Dieser rote Faden kann jedoch nicht nur im Blick auf die deutschen Landen verfolgt werden. Vielmehr handelt es sich um ein europaisches Phanomen, weshalb auch das englische und franzosische Losungsmodell erwahnt werden mussen, um Ruckschlusse auf das Kaiserreich ziehen zu konnen.
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