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Palfrey convinces the car salesmen that his car, after some tune-up, is now a valuable and sought-after vehicle. After putting Gloatbridge in his place, Palfrey challenges Delauney to a rematch.

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Using some stratagems, he thoroughly frustrates his foe before they even start playing. Then, with April watching, Palfrey proceeds to win the set April becomes disgusted with Delauney's behaviour afterward and drives off with Palfrey. They go back to his place for a drink. Palfrey arranges for April's scotch and soda to spill on her dress.

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He suggests she take it off to dry and put on his dressing gown. Eventually, they end up in his bedroom through his tricks, but Palfrey cannot bring himself to take advantage of April. Then Delauney barges in, dragging Potter with him. Delauney had found out that Potter was Palfrey's guest at the tennis club and got the story out of him. However, after Delauney informs her, April realises that Palfrey genuinely loves her, and they embrace, much to the disgust of both Delauney and Potter. Potter breaks the " fourth wall " and apologises to the audience for his pupil's behaviour.

The film ends with Delauney getting off the train at Yeovil station and heading in the direction of the school. Stephen Potter's original Gamesmanship had been a successful series of books in the s, but were not written in a narrative form, [1] so the device was adopted that Potter Alastair Sim had set up a "College of Lifemanship" in Yeovil to educate those seeking to apply his methods for success. Although the film only credits its producer, Hal E.

School for Scoundrels was made at Elstree Studios , and location scenes were mainly shot in the vicinity. The hotel hosted a screening in with Janette Scott attending and answering questions about filming School For Scoundrels. The film uses vehicles as plot devices. Palfrey foolishly buys a " 4-litre Swiftmobile" from the crooked "Winsome Welshmen". The "Bellini 3. While the review in The Times was very noncommittal, [3] Leslie Halliwell described the film as "an amusing trifle, basically a series of sketches by familiar comic actors", and awarded it one star of a maximum of four and a minimum of zero.

Michael Brooke, reviewing for the British Film Institute many years afterwards, criticised the film as having "little sign of the elegance and wit that characterised earlier Hamer films such as Kind Hearts and Coronets or The Spider and the Fly ", but praised its script and performances, particularly those of Terry-Thomas and an under-used Sim. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Dirty Rotten Scoundrels (1988) - Ruprecht Gets Angry Scene (5/12) - Movieclips

School for Scoundrels Original UK poster. BFI Screenonline. Retrieved 20 June Retrieved 3 March Retrieved 1 November Retrieved 4 February A prescription-drug benefit was provided to America's seniors in a manner that was less generous to beneficiaries than the Democratic alternative, but it was also much more costly, with the difference accounted for by the fact that the Republican alternative was vastly more friendly to insurance and pharmaceuticals firms.

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Shortly after its passage, the main author of the law went to work as a lobbyist for health-care firms as did " fifteen other public officials involved in crafting that drug law, including one powerful House committee chairman, all of whom departed for Big Pharma's green pastures once the job was done.

It's an interesting conceit, and it captures some important elements of the truth. But there are also some problems here.

School for Scoundrels ( film) - Wikipedia

The Medicare bill in question was denounced at the time by rock-ribbed right-wing outfits such as the Heritage Foundation, the Cato Institute, and National Review as, yes, a betrayal of conservative free-market principles. Similarly, the Republicans who voted "no" on the bill weren't the moderate squishes but rather, the hardened ideologues. On the right, just as on the left, it turns out that ideological politics coexist somewhat awkwardly with interest-group politics. To Frank, however, Washington is the yin to Kansas' yang, and if heartland voters ignore their interests in favor of voting on "values," conservatives inside the Beltway have no commitment to values except greed.

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Nonetheless, his book's most entertaining and insightful passages -- extended explorations of the conservative mainstream's lurid fascination with some of the most violent and depraved elements of the international scene -- seem to undercut this thesis. Frank tells the tale of the International Freedom Foundation at some length. This now-obscure outfit was an Abramoff-founded front for apartheid South Africa that boosted free-market principles at home and around the world and touted support for the white supremacist regime as integral to this mission.

Near the end, Frank returns to this theme, observing that "it seems as though our Washington wingers are drawn by some weird ideological magnet to every morally indefensible cause of the last thirty years. They have cheered for Jonas Savimbi, admired the Contras and the Central American death squads, and when Saipan needed help defending its monstrous labor system, virtually the entire movement answered the call. Aristotle wrote that men do not become tyrants to keep out the cold, and we should ponder that although Abramoff found a way to make money shilling for South Africa, apologetics for racism and lobbying on behalf of death squads hardly suggest themselves as the most obvious money-making schemes.

People looking to get paid go into advertising or help telecom firms in their endless regulatory wrangling with other corporations. The hardcore right isn't merely greedy, it's genuinely morally perverse. Frank implies at one point, following Naomi Klein's argument, that the Bush administration's primary interest in Iraq can be understood through Paul Bremer's effort to reconstruct the country along free-market lines.

A simpler explanation is that Bush and company invaded Iraq because of totally genuine, if also totally wrong, ideas about national security and tried to rebuild Iraq along market principles for the same reason the Truman administration rebuilt Europe as a social democracy -- they did what they thought would work. Even within the domain of economic policy, there is reason to doubt that the kind of casual corruption that Frank emphasizes gets at the heart of the matter. If anything, it's the reverse.

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The scandalous behavior for which Abramoff et al. Just as the right was able to discredit "big government" more broadly by blowing out of proportion the misuse of the congressional post office, so the wrecking-crew mentality and the scandals are a rhetorically useful synecdoche for the entire conservative project.

Frank, a masterful rhetorician, deploys the scandals to just this end with great aplomb. Fundamentally, however, it's wrong to mistake the trees of corruption for the forest of ideology; a more honest, less corrupt right-wingery is imaginable and would likely be much more effective and only somewhat less pernicious than the current brand.

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The theft of Iran's presidential election raises more foreign-policy implications than any clean result could have. Follow mattyglesias. Skip to main content. You may also like.